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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
140589
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE GLOBAL ATTENTION to the reforms of the architect of Singapore's "economic miracle" is easily explained by the country's socio-economic successes. Lee Kuan Yew, the first prime minister of Singapore, is an iconic figure in the modern world. In many developing and industrial countries, he is regarded as a true economic and political guru. His book, From Third World to First. The Singapore Story: 1965-2000,1 has deservedly become a handbook for many state leaders.* What kind of a country is Singapore today and why does the experience of this small nation attract the attention of state leaders faced with questions of modernization and successful competition in the global market?
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| 2 |
ID:
167656
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article re-examines Third Worldism as a political ideology, with a specific focus on a number of Algerian intellectuals. By taking Algeria as a privileged locus of investigation, the discussion zooms into a specific context of Third Worldism, the Algerian War and the decade after, therefore focusing on the period between the 1950s and the 1970s. Here I understand Third Worldism to mean more than the instantiation of the postcolonial state through anticolonial liberation struggles. Rather, I take into consideration (Algerian) voices that push against the rigid boundaries of methodological nationalism and postcolonial theory. By embracing the ethos of ‘affirmative critique,’ the analysis aims to bring to light those ‘forgotten, hidden or invisible acts of critique’ that expose under-currents of Third Worldism not usually discussed or engaged. Thus, I engage writings of rarely considered Third World intellectuals, such as Kateb Yacine, Jean Amrouche, Jean Senac. These are all Algerian intellectuals; the reason behind this focus is the following: their involvement in Algeria’s decolonization struggles translated into translocal solidarity with other decolonization projects, whether in Vietnam or in Palestine. Aside from gesturing toward a translocal spatiality, their writings also embody a more genuine retrieval of dignity by the colonized, and an alternative memory of a different Algerian nation, intrinsically plural and hospitable to difference. Put differently, these voices both attempt a kind of diagnosis (however partial and incomplete) for the reductionism into which the Third World liberation state (inevitably) fell, while suggesting an alternative political horizon that comes closer to Fanon’s idea of ‘national consciousness’, especially in its attention to the ‘international dimension.’1
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| 3 |
ID:
066641
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| 4 |
ID:
194019
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| Summary/Abstract |
Borderlands in Southeast Asia have long been considered marginalised spaces occupied by populations that assign greater significance to ethnic solidarity than national consciousness. To date, research has largely highlighted the social dynamics of frontier communities in the context of the recent economic boom and transnational interactions, yet few examine national consciousness. Drawing on a survey conducted with four minority communities in the Vietnam – China borderland, this article investigates nation – state consciousness through perspectives on border and territory sovereignty, citizens’ responsibility in Vietnamese nation building, and in understanding and employing national symbols. We suggest that local minorities’ national consciousness has increased significantly since the 1980s. However, expressed attachments to national identity varied according to ethnicity, gender and age. To enhance consciousness of the nation – state, it is important to make the nation-building project relevant to minorities through education and propaganda, but also through more effective implementation of the state’s development policies.
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