Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
005242
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Publication |
Singapore, Brunei Shell, 1993.
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Description |
208p.hbk
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Standard Number |
9813018038
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
036433 | 959.55/FAL 036433 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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2 |
ID:
131769
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a detailed account of the process of invention of a nationalist tradition for Brunei, the most tradition-conscious nation in Southeast Asia. It shows how Brunei's nationalist tradition emerged at the interface of colonial records, indigenous oral and written sources, ethnographic fieldwork, and anthropological theories. For this purpose the article traces the history of anthropological research in northern Borneo from its colonial beginnings to its postcolonial role in nation-building and shows how anthropology and anthropologists have - sometimes unknowingly, sometimes deliberately - played an active role in the shaping of Negara Brunei Darussalam.
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3 |
ID:
075789
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Publication |
2006.
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Summary/Abstract |
Australia has historical links to the contemporary states of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei through the British Empire and Commonwealth. While Australian relations with these countries in more recent times have been influenced by a range of factors, the Commonwealth connection remains significant. Politico-cultural tensions complicated the Australian relationship with Malaysia during the Mahathir era from 1981 to 2003. Nevertheless, the substantive aspects of the relationship remained strong. There was potential for cultural tensions in the relationships with Singapore and Brunei but no major rifts developed; Singapore has been a key partner for Australia in the region. Thus Australia has strong relationships with the three states of Commonwealth Southeast Asia in the areas of security, economics and education, with the imperial and Commonwealth past being a contributing factor in each case
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4 |
ID:
089350
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
A critical assessment of the history of Brunei over the last fifty years, with particular emphasis on the evolution of the economy and the way in which the constitutional process has been managed. The author discusses a number of areas of possible concern for the future, including the position of non-citizens and the difficulties of diversifying an economy almost entirely based on oil and gas.
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5 |
ID:
009263
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Publication |
Feb 1995.
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Description |
217-220
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6 |
ID:
152261
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Summary/Abstract |
Brunei continued in 2016 to suffer from declining oil and gas prices. The budget deficit grew. The Sultan made economic diversification and “prudent spending” the year’s central political themes. He criticized several government institutions during “surprise visits” and sharply attacked the Ministry of Religious Affairs for “delaying” the full enforcement of an Islamic legal reform.
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7 |
ID:
145448
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Summary/Abstract |
The oil price decline of 2015 caused significant losses for Brunei’s economy. The country is still preparing the second phase of its Sharia reform that began in 2014. In addition to his other government positions, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah appointed himself as minister of foreign affairs and trade, replacing Prince Mohamed Bolkiah.
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8 |
ID:
105095
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9 |
ID:
133330
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Ships, submarine aircraft and military personnel from 22 states convened in the US Hawaiian island for the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) international naval exercise that took place from 26 June to 1 August.
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10 |
ID:
105096
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11 |
ID:
190091
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Summary/Abstract |
The inexplicable link between the Malay language and Islam has been well-documented in Malaysia. In Brunei, however, this association has not been made explicit and could only be inferred through the state’s stance of utilising only the Malay language for Islamic-related matters, most conspicuously in the Islamic education curriculum. While this practice has been in place since the early days of Islamic education in the country, the changing linguistic situation in Brunei, where English is now more popular than Malay among the younger generation, may require some rethinking of this practice. An earlier study investigating the issues of language and religion in Brunei has found that those who are more English-inclined do not identify strongly with the Muslim identity as their Malay-leaning counterparts. Taking its cue from those findings, the present study extends the investigation in two ways: one, by adding the social variables age, gender and educational background in its analysis; and two, by focusing on the notion of religiosity rather than on religious identity alone. The findings show that age and language proclivity are both predictors of religiosity with older Bruneians displaying greater religiosity than the younger ones. Language also plays a factor such that those who are predisposed to using more English than Malay have fewer manifestations of practices aligned to the Islamic teaching. Gender and educational level, however, have low factor loadings and are not contributory to the measurement of religiosity.
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12 |
ID:
115244
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Publication |
Surrey, IHS Global Limited, 2012.
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Description |
694p.
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Standard Number |
20502435
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
056805 | 623.825/SOU 056805 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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13 |
ID:
141050
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Summary/Abstract |
This article narrates the long-standing diplomatic relationship between Malcolm MacDonald and Brunei. Macdonald played a significant role in safeguarding Brunei's survival as an independent Malay Islamic sultanate during decolonisation. He prevented Brunei from becoming a British crown colony in 1946 unlike the neighbouring states of Sarawak and North Borneo. Having failed to unite the three North Borneo territories into a federation, he may have concurred with Brunei's decision to opt out of the Malaysian Federation in August 1963 and thereafter. Due to his empathy with the Brunei sultans, especially Omar Ali Saifuddin the III, MacDonald's approach for Brunei's future contradicted the vision of his contemporaries for democratising Brunei.
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14 |
ID:
160671
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Summary/Abstract |
The overlapping territorial and maritime claims in the South China Sea threaten to spark conflict in East Asia. On several occasions in recent years, disputes over the right to extract oil and gas have caused clashes between Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) was agreed by almost all countries in 1982 to try to resolve such disagreements. However, the People's Republic of China is currently trying to claim rights that go beyond UNCLOS and infringe on the UNCLOS-based rights of the other claimants. It deploys two arguments in particular: that the archipelagos in the South China Sea collectively generate rights to maritime resources and that China enjoys ‘historic rights’ in the sea. Neither of these arguments is found within UNCLOS, however. This article explores the origin of these Chinese arguments and finds that the ‘historic rights’ claim can be traced to a single Taiwanese academic writing in the 1990s during a period of intense debate in Taiwan over its relationship with the PRC.
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15 |
ID:
164963
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Summary/Abstract |
After four years of economic gloom, the Bruneian economy began showing signs of recovery, mainly thanks to improved global oil prices and the fruits of government policies introduced three years ago. In the meantime, the sultan’s seriousness in combating corruption has taken center stage, with young new faces introduced in the recent cabinet reshuffle. Implementation of sharia law remains slow. On the international front, Brunei appears to be moving closer to China, which is emerging as the country’s largest foreign investor.
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16 |
ID:
145682
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Summary/Abstract |
Brunei and Malaysia are promoting the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration but enforce a brand of Islamic law that systematically violates it. The paradoxical ways in which policymakers are navigating between the two, and the empirical realities of Islamic governance, impede the project of a transdoctrinal justification of human rights.
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17 |
ID:
175101
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Summary/Abstract |
Despite the proliferation of poverty studies, poverty in Brunei Darussalam (hereafter, Brunei) is under-researched. What poverty means in Brunei is, therefore, little understood, and there is a local belief that poverty in the country is unique and relative. Moreover, the terms ‘poverty’ (kemiskinan) and ‘poor’ (miskin) are somewhat sensitive in Brunei, but the reason(s) for this sentiment and preferred terms are not known. This study examines the language and meaning of poverty in Brunei. It also sheds light on the local belief about poverty within the country. The study used an exploratory research methodology and data were collected from poor and non-poor households and key informants. Results show that Bruneians use different terms to refer to poverty or poor people, but preferred terms are ‘living in need’, ‘difficult life’ and ‘needy people’. Bruneians avoid the terms ‘poverty’ and ‘poor’ because they can erode one’s self-confidence or self-esteem. Poverty in Brunei is construed in different ways, but it is mostly perceived as relative, and its nature is not unique.
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18 |
ID:
138013
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Summary/Abstract |
This article explore the author's recent experiences as the UK student on the Royal Brunei armed forces command and staff course, one of a small number of overseas staff courses that Royal Naval Officers are eligible to attend. The article explores some of the benefits to the naval services from having officers with foreign staff training.
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19 |
ID:
158950
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Summary/Abstract |
The aim of the article is to explore and illustrate some “dynamics of transition” across some six decades of British protection of the Brunei Sultanate, 1906-1967, with particular reference to the interaction of traditional administration and the new system of governance of a Residency, especially in the part of Tutong district that was home to the Dusun/Bisaya ethnic minority.
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20 |
ID:
151135
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Summary/Abstract |
The dispute over the South China Sea (SCS) dates back to over a long period, having several countries claiming territorial and maritime jurisdictions over the islands, reefs and banks of the Sea with overlapping counter claims by the countries encircling it. The dispute is associated with claims over the Spratly Islands, Paracel Islands and the Gulf of Tonkin and the reefs and banks along the SCS. In addition, there are also non-claimant nations that want the SCS to be international waters having the freedom of navigation.
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