Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
084708
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article takes issue with two assumptions associated with the permanent return migration of ethnic Greeks and ethnic Germans from the former Soviet Union. It suggests that their return has turned out to be less ethnically motivated than policy makers have assumed and that many returnees, immigrating permanently as fully fledged citizens, continue to retain elements of circularity in their lives, of different nature and intensity. Both returnee groups experience varying degrees of social and economic exclusion and this might explain why some members maintain links with their area of origin. Adopting a comparative approach, this article draws on insights from ongoing fieldwork, with particular focus on interviews with return migrants in both countries.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
084712
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Abstract This article analyses the European Union's European Neighbourhood Policy in the context of the European Union as an actor employing normative power in international politics. The European Neighbourhood Policy can be seen as a substitute for the Union's enlargement that has previously been the main vehicle for the Union's normative power in Europe. By relinquishing enlargement, the EU is in danger of losing its capacity for effectively stabilising its nearest neighbours as well as losing its legitimacy and justification in their eyes. The article discusses whether the European Neighbourhood Policy can be seen as a fruitful way out of the Union's present conundrum. It concludes that at least in its present form the Neighbourhood Policy is far from a panacea. It suffers from a lack of legitimacy as a result of its inability to answer the neighbours' calls for full political and institutional belonging in Europe.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
084707
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article sheds light on the impact of migration on origin communities by focusing on two case studies in different regions in Poland. Besides the economic consequences, the social and cultural consequences of migration for community cohesion and the lives of its members are highlighted, with reference to an emerging culture of migration in the communities. By presenting different migration patterns prevalent before and after Poland's accession to the European Union, the article demonstrates the important differences caused by 'visible migration' and 'hidden migration' in the communities of origin, taking into account especially the temporal dimension.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
084713
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
084709
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the effect of increased state control over the Russian gas sector and its ultimate impact on energy security in Europe. The various mechanisms by which the state has acquired ownership (or quasi-ownership) over several independent gas producers as well as the potential dangers this poses for European energy supplies are scrutinised. Due to the demonstrated inefficiency of Russian state-controlled companies, negative consequences, such as slowed production growth, are likely to result. The few remaining independent gas producers are still hampered in their development due to the government's reluctance to implement structural reforms in the Russian gas sector.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
084710
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article tests fiscal appeasement, needs-based and coalition potential hypotheses for redistribution in post-Soviet Latvia and Ukraine. I argue that the government's decision to reward a minority population depends on the coalition potential of minority parties and voters. In Latvia, the non-participation of minority parties in governing coalitions means that the distribution of spoils among coalition partners does not benefit the regions in which Russian speakers live. In Ukraine, on the other hand, voters and parties in western Ukraine have been sought out by Russian-speaking politicians from eastern Ukraine, and the districts of western Ukraine received preferential treatment as a result.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|