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1 |
ID:
179015
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Summary/Abstract |
This article illustrates the interface of ethnic identities and a multi-ethnic learning environment in a predominantly Chinese society. Hong Kong – whilst reputed as an Asian international city – has displayed reticence in promoting multicultural initiatives and inclusiveness at a policy level. In this context, this study draws on a sociocultural perspective and interviews with a group of ethnic minority Filipino secondary school students. The interview data point to juxtapositions of ethnic identities with reference to students’ interactions with peers from same and different ethnic groups, ethnic in-group practices, and a schooling discourse that reflects Chinese language expectations and recognition of cultural diversity. The analysis, as a result, specifies how schooling experiences in this case become grounds for identity tensions in being a Filipino and a Hong Kong person. These tensions caution against tacit sociocultural relations in learning environments resulting from school-initiated multicultural practices without broader and explicit policy support for culturally diverse student population.
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2 |
ID:
104427
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3 |
ID:
122664
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4 |
ID:
192659
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Summary/Abstract |
Kokang is an ethnic minority group that settled along the Myanmar-China borderland with dual identity as it has long historical ties of nationalism and patronage with various political factions in China while located outside China’s border. This article explores how Kokang’s Ethnic Revolutionary Organization (ERO), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and their leaders construct Kokang’s identity to their benefit. Based on desk research method, the article found that Kokang’s dual identity allows them to self-categorize themselves as Chinese or separate-independent ethnic minorities in Myanmar while setting ethnic boundaries with various political entities to protect their interest.
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5 |
ID:
097891
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Publication |
2010.
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Summary/Abstract |
Based on research with ethnic minorities in Laos aimed at understanding how they cope with and negotiate political and economic 'double domination', this article examines the experiences of prolonged fieldwork in a remote Tarieng area in the Annam Range, southern Laos. After briefly reviewing Lao ethnographical policy and practice regarding ethnic minorities, I introduce the Tarieng people. I detail how I initially gained access to these local communities via long-term engagement with a range of development project initiatives. Then, after eight years of conducting such fieldwork in a Tarieng area 'below the radar of the state', I managed to obtain official authorisations to continue research as a graduate student. In this new position, I accessed the field via different negotiations with central, provincial and local official bureaucracies. After detailing this process, back in the field I reveal my strategies to create a discursive space that has allowed me to access dissident Tarieng voices and agency. Finally, I highlight four central elements that have continued to shape my field research: language proficiency, working with research assistants, awareness of political relations and cultural sensitivity, and ethical concerns. These have emerged while the possibilities and constraints of political engagement with the Tarieng people are explored.
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6 |
ID:
114650
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
Through a discussion of migration and employment situations in Xinjiang and
Tibet, this paper critically examines the social impact of China's recent economic
expansion and dynamic marketization on its ethnic minorities in the minority
regions of Xinjiang and Tibet.
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7 |
ID:
082625
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
To what extent are ethnic identity groups able to influence U.S. foreign policy toward their ancestral homelands? Existing research has resulted in the enumeration of an extensive list of criteria thought to condition ethnic minority influence. In spite of significant progress, however, the literature lacks of systematic test of any of these criteria. The result is a literature that cumulates largely though the addition of new criteria, rather than the reevaluation of existing factors. The current study represents an attempt to develop a test of existing criteria though the application of Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). Specifically, the study uses QCA to examine six of the most widely cited criteria found in the literature. Results indicate that, of the six criteria, only organizational strength and level of political activity are necessary conditions for successful influence. No individual factors are sufficient causes of influence
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8 |
ID:
019979
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Publication |
March 2001.
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Description |
73-88
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9 |
ID:
133962
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Conventional models of electoral choice explain the ethnic minority vote as a product of nonideological factors, primarily ethnic identities. However, the voting preferences of the minority electorate based on their policy and attitudinal dimensions have not been systematically studied. How are minority interests represented in politics? Although their culturally based proximity to ethnic parties and minority representatives is well established, may we expect the electoral preferences of minorities to also reflect policy positions, economic concerns, or political attitudes? This article sets out to examine the sources and intensity of the electoral preferences of minority voters on the example of electoral support for the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), a party traditionally regarded as a representative of the ethnic Turkish minority in Bulgaria, a less conventional case of minority participation in politics. Based on analysis of survey data, the article demonstrates that the preferences of the ethnic minority electorate are also the product of policy positions, economic interests, and political attitudes overlapping with social identities. It concludes that the representation of the ethnic minorities through an ethnopolitical party is a stable outcome reflecting the interests of minority voters.
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10 |
ID:
122384
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11 |
ID:
147002
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Summary/Abstract |
This study investigated the relationship between self-reported discrimination and ethnic identity among 61 Arab American adolescents between the ages of 12 and 18 years. Participants completed the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) to obtain an assessment of their ethnic identities. Additionally, the lead author developed a questionnaire asking participants to self-report if either they or another Arab student they knew had been ‘treated badly or differently because of their ethnicity’. Consistent with the rejection-identification model, respondents who had reported experiencing discrimination, knowing of others who had experienced discrimination, or both had higher ethnic identity scores than those who had not, although the only significant difference was found between the group that experienced both types of discrimination and the non-discrimination group. Implications of these results are discussed as well as directions for future research.
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12 |
ID:
147661
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Summary/Abstract |
Research into European identity has mostly focused on majority populations in Western European countries, neglecting new member states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) as well as ethnic minority groups. This paper contributes to filling this gap by exploring and investigating processes of European identity formation of five ethnic minority groups in four CEE countries. A generational perspective was applied by conducting qualitative in-depth interviews with three generations of ethnic minority group members. The results support the instrumental approach of identity construction. In all minority groups researched, the young generation, due to more positive personal experiences and perceived benefits from the European Union, have developed more positive images and perceptions of Europe and a greater sense of European identity than older generations. Furthermore, ethnic group-specific processes of identity formation were found.
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13 |
ID:
164769
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Summary/Abstract |
Studies looking at gender and ethnic minority outcomes in China’s labour market have generally suggested that women and minorities are separately experiencing a wage disadvantage relative to males and the Han majority, respectively. But, what is the experience of this combined cohort, ethnic minority women? Using data from China’s 2005 one percent mini-census, this article discerns ethno-gender labour market outcomes by factoring education, labour force participation, working hours, age, family structure (e.g. married, number of dependents) and geography (e.g. urban/rural, bordering province). It surprisingly finds that ethnic minority women are less disadvantaged in the labour market than Han women. This is largely due to smaller penalties linked to marriage and having children.
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14 |
ID:
050902
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Publication |
Mar-Apr 2004.
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Summary/Abstract |
The spread of conflict across borders (contagion) is a modern phenomenon of increasing importance. This study focuses on the extent to which cross-border religious ties facilitate contagion of ethnic conflict using data from the Minorities at Risk dataset. The findings show that religious contagion influences the extent of both ethnic protest and rebellion whereas nonreligious contagion influences only ethnic protest. They also show that only violent conflict, as opposed to peaceful mass-political movements, in one state influences conflict in a bordering state. One possible explanation for this is the argument that violence is an intrinsic element of religion. This can explain why religious contagion is stronger than nonreligious contagion and why religious conflicts cross borders only when they are violent ones. This argument is also consistent with previous findings on domestic conflict that show that although religious grievances expressed by an ethnic minority were a contributing factor to the level of rebellion in which that minority engages, they had a negative influence on the extent of peaceful protest.Â
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15 |
ID:
187224
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Summary/Abstract |
Recent news about China's attitude the human rights of Uighurs in Xinjiang and its crackdown on civil liberties in Hong Kong has drawn a great deal of attention in the western media, with China facing a barrage of criticism from that source. Shortly before these developments came to light, China was taken to task over violence against Tibetans, which some viewed as cultural genocide. In contrast, the plight of Inner Mongolians is not widely known. In 2020, the Chinese government announced a new language policy promoting immediate Mandarin-language education in schools in the region. This shows how actively China has been eradicating the identity of peripheral minority groups. This article begins with a brief historical overview of China's linguistic assimilation policy toward ethnic minorities, followed by an investigation based on existing research and media information on the current position in Inner Mongolia and in particular of Mongolians living in Japan.
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16 |
ID:
081738
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
In 2001 Macedonia's large ethnic Albanian minority revolted against the country's Slav-dominated state. In a victory for transatlantic relations, Europe and the United States worked together to defuse the crisis and avert what could easily have become another Balkan disaster. Since then, there has been progress in rebuilding Macedonia, and the EU deserves credit. This success, however, was predicated on strong US backing and the promise of NATO and EU membership. Although this has made the country something of a political hybrid, Macedonia belongs in NATO, and eventually, the European Union
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17 |
ID:
184850
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18 |
ID:
051456
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19 |
ID:
132311
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
After nearly a millennium of uninterrupted harmony between the Sinhalese and Muslims in Sri Lanka, economic and ethno-religious developments after the 1970s have created an atmosphere of communal tension between the two groups. While a new wave of political Buddhism with its militant offshoot amongst the Sinhalese and the growth of a rigid Islamic orthodoxy amongst the Muslims have provided the ethno-religious dimension to this tension, the post-1977 open economy has added an economic dimension to it. The interplay of this toxic triad is a reminder of a similar scenario that produced the first Sinhalese-Muslim racial riots in the country in 1915. Unlike the first, which occurred in the colonial context, the current one, which if not arrested, will not only jeopardize Sinhalese-Muslim harmony but also will result in adverse consequences in Sri Lanka's relations with Muslim countries.
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20 |
ID:
053171
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