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| 1 |
ID:
135798
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article revisits the early twentieth century to rethink the forces that shaped discourses surrounding political community—specifically the political community in its regional articulation. As we begin to look at the particular ways in which the discourse of rights and political representation have emerged at the regional level in post-independence India, we begin to get a sense of the unique social, cultural, and political dynamics that constitute the region distinct from the dynamics of nationalism and national identity. Specifically, I examine the dynamics of a new discourse of politics in twentieth-century south India, primarily in the Telugu-speaking districts of the Madras Presidency and the princely state of Hyderabad. With the institution of representational bodies/institutions at the regional level, the extension of the franchise and the rise of a public politics based on liberal ideas of public reason, and debate at the turn of the twentieth century, we witness the emergence of the region as the site of a distinct set of political dynamics.
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| 2 |
ID:
134647
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This paper starts from the assumption that geostrategic and security interests alone are not sufficient to explain China’s foreign policy choices. It argues that ideas about what China’s role as an actor in the increasingly globalised international system should be, and about world order in general, have a deep influence on China’s foreign policy decision-making process. Taking the North Korean issue as a case study, the paper postulates that China is currently engaged in a search for a ‘new’ identity as a global player. China’s actor identity is composed of various partly contradictory role conceptions. National roles derived from China’s internal system structures and its historical past lead to continuity in foreign policy, while the ‘new’ roles resultant from China’s rise to global power require an adaptation of its foreign policy principles. In the case of its relationship with North Korea, China’s foreign policy is oscillating between the two roles of ‘socialist power’ – as thus comrade-in-arms with its socialist neighbour – and ‘responsible great power’, which leads to it being expected to comply with international norms, and thus to condemn North Korea’s nuclear provocations and related actions.
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| 3 |
ID:
135204
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| Summary/Abstract |
In December 2007, the Italian government opened an exhibition in Rome of 69 artifacts that four major U.S. museums had agreed to return to Italy on the grounds that they had been illegally excavated and exported from the country. Leading nearly 200 journalists through the exhibition, Francesco Rutelli, Italy’s then cultural minister, proclaimed, “The odyssey of these objects, which started with their brutal removal from the bowels of the earth, didn’t end on the shelf of some American museum. With nostalgia, they have returned. These beautiful pieces have reconquered their souls.” Rutelli was not just anthropomorphizing ancient artifacts by giving them souls. By insisting that they were the property of Italy and important to its national identity, he was also giving them citizenship.
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| 4 |
ID:
134256
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political system of the EU and its member states is frequently seen as post-Westphalian within constructivist-inspired research. This is based on the view that political authority and legitimacy are to be found both at the EU level and the national level with no clear borders between them. The question raised in this article is how the member states conceive of themselves as foreign policy actors in this situation where they are both politically embedded in EU foreign policy structures and, in most cases, formally able to act outside the EU structures in the field of foreign policy. The overall argument is that a pertinent answer to this question can be provided by looking at how (or whether) state identity is articulated in relation to the EU. The paper first presents theoretical considerations relating to discursive articulations of state identity in an EU context. The relevance of these discursive articulations is then illustrated through the empirical example of Danish articulations of actorness prior to and post Lisbon. It is shown that the articulation of national actorness in relation to the EU varied across the different areas of foreign policy before and after Lisbon. A research agenda that flows from these considerations is outlined.
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| 5 |
ID:
136576
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Moluccas were among the provinces devastated by communal conflict following the fall of the New Order regime in 1998. Peace-building activities were conducted after the violence subsided. The field research for this ethnographic study was conducted in the province from January to December 2009. The objective of the study was to examine the nature and impact of peace education projects supported by foreign agencies in selected schools in the province. The findings show that suspicion and hatred between Muslim and Christian students remained intact in Schools 1, 2 and 3, despite the fact that they received a peace education intervention. In these schools, the peace education projects were framed within what was perceived as Moluccan local tradition. However, School 4 was able to mitigate the effects of the conflict and to nurture peace in the school, despite the fact that it did not receive a specifically tailored peace education intervention. Students of School 4 showed a strong preference for national identity, which encompasses religious and ethnic boundaries. The study indicates that identity politics were at play in the form of the inclusion of what was perceived as Moluccan local tradition but the exclusion of other possibilities in the peace education curriculum, as the cases of Schools 1, 2 and 3 show. The study also shows that school principal leadership was prominent in helping to create a peaceful atmosphere, as the case of School 4 reveals.
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| 6 |
ID:
136933
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| Summary/Abstract |
The post-Soviet period in Russia has reached the quarter of a century milestone. The identity crisis widely acknowledged in post-Soviet research in its first two decades opened the way for policies aimed at the consolidation of an encompassing all-Russian (rossiiskaya) national identity1 as a source of nation-building. Contention over political separatism and various regional scenarios of the politics of identity2 are being superseded by the ‘Russian (russkii) question’. Meanwhile strengthening ethnic identities look up to religious, language and cultural landmarks as reference points. The nation-building agenda is thus having to take in different repertoires of contention, and bridging cleavages within Russian society is not only and not primarily a question of elite-tailored politics of identity. It is about the formation and assertion of inclusive identities innate both to the Russian cultural tradition and to the needs of a community confronting the challenges of modernisation.
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| 7 |
ID:
136479
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| Summary/Abstract |
We are delighted to welcome back poet-in-residence Eliza Griswold—a National Magazine Award winner, whose unique vision of the world continues to illuminate our every issue. In her poem, “Games,” Griswold vividly captures a scene from the Roman Circus Maximus.
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| 8 |
ID:
136546
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of the Hong Kong local identity vis-à-vis the Chinese national identity has been particularly pronounced in recent years. This article argues that the “Mainlandization” of Hong Kong since 2003 has alienated Hong Kongers and threatened their sense of distinctiveness, which in turn has intensified their resistance to Beijing’s top-down assimilation.
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| 9 |
ID:
135885
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| Summary/Abstract |
Current debates around immigration are informed by hierarchies of belonging, with some groups seen to belong more, and therefore deserve more, than others. This link between belonging and entitlement has been predominantly analysed in relation to struggles over access to key material benefits, such as jobs, housing, healthcare and so on. This paper will argue that these struggles also point to the continuing relevance of nationhood to many people's sense of self, community and place and the value that comes from being positioned, and recognised, as part of a group that lies at the heart of national life and culture. In other words, the ‘politics of immigration’ is about the anxieties and concerns of those who no longer feel ‘at home’ in what they consider to be ‘their’ country.
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| 10 |
ID:
136213
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran and Turkey two non-Arab middle eastern states are among largest and most populous in the Iran and Turkey, the two non-Arab Middle Eastern states, are among region. The former occupies a strategic location on the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz; while the latter controls the Straits — the Bosporus, the Sea of Marmara, the Dardanelles —that link the Black and Aegean Seas. The two nations descend from the most ancient civilizations in the world and have strong national identities. Both are predominantly Muslim. The majority of Iranians are Shiite, and since the 1979 Islamic Revolution their government has been based on the velayat elaqih doctrine (rule by an Islamic jurist). Turkey, prominently Sunni, is a secular state.
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| 11 |
ID:
136118
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the ways in which “Englishness” is constructed in relation to the siting of mosques, using Cambridge as a case study. After engaging with contemporary debates on Englishness and multiculturalism, the authors examine the responses to a planning application to build a mosque in the Mill Road area of the city. In public responses to the proposal, discourses of culture and heritage feature strongly. This contrasts with the ostensibly neutral language of the official planning procedure. Cultural ideas about “Englishness” are present on all sides of the debate and are not easily classified as nationalist or reactionary.
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| 12 |
ID:
136948
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| Summary/Abstract |
The South Asian communities who came to post-war Britain had numerous ways of maintaining links with ‘home’ even as they put down new roots. One conduit through which the interplay between old and new homes was reproduced was through the love of CRICKET many brought with them. The moral and ethical codes, which underpin much CRICKETING discourse, provided a language through which to reinscribe ideas of identity and belonging. CRICKET helped create social networks and diasporic connectivity. These affective relations gave rise to South Asians who are today multiply rooted; secure in their Indian or Pakistani ‘national’ identities, at times identifying as a South Asian diaspora, but nevertheless also ‘loyal’ citizens of Britain. The story of South Asians and their relationship with cricket in post-war Britain sheds light on the complex politics of belonging in the post-colony, and illustrates that diaspora is ultimately an unstable assemblage of collective association.
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| 13 |
ID:
136475
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| Summary/Abstract |
Europe’s most Eurosceptical country is facing a political and generational divide. From reformists to radicals, Italians across the spectrum have taken to the streets in hopes of swaying the policies of Prime Minister Matteo Renzi. Francesco Galietti delves into what it would take for Renzi to please old and young Italians alike, the key to keeping political tensions at bay.
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| 14 |
ID:
135877
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is often forgotten that, regardless of time or place, periods of high immigration are almost always periods of high anti-immigration sentiment. When ethnic change is rapid, driven by immigration or differences in ethnic natural increase, the ethnic majority often responds with a politics of immigration. This was true, for instance, in Britain in the 1960s, in the US during 1890–1925 and in interwar Scotland. I show that White British people in locales experiencing rapid ethnic change are more likely to call for lower immigration and to vote BNP. On the other hand, where there is already a high level of ethnic minorities, white opinion is less hostile to immigration: UKIP does poorly among whites in diverse areas. Habituation to change, typically within a decade, and assimilation—especially of Europeans—over a generation reduces hostility to immigration. If the rate of ethnic change slows, we should therefore expect a reduction in the salience of immigration. Ironically, because the children of European migrants are more readily accepted into the ethnic majority than is the case for non-Europeans, a shift from EU free movement to non-European skilled migrants, as is advocated by UKIP, could run counter to the wishes of its own supporters.
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| 15 |
ID:
135799
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| Summary/Abstract |
The leading industrial state in India, Maharashtra, is widely seen as a region with a cohesive political identity. My article focuses on the complex, shifting collective memories of Maratha history centered on the heroic figure of the seventeenth-century warrior-king Shivaji Bhosale, and the role they have played in the fabrication/fragmentation of regional identity. The first section charts the historical discourses anchored in various perceptions of caste, class, religion, and nation, which contributed to the emergence of a seemingly consensual construct of Shivaji as a key axis of regional identity. The second delves into the state’s cultural politics during the last five decades and highlights certain dramatic episodes that were triggered by supposed slights to the hallowed memory of the Maratha king. The third section provides an analysis of these episodes and reveals the contested character of regional identity in contemporary Maharashtra, which is driven by deep-seated antagonism between different communities.
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| 16 |
ID:
136940
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| Summary/Abstract |
A comparison analysis of the ethno-national identity of Hungarian minorities living in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine is performed in the paper, including the identifications to majority community and the relationship with Hungary, respectively.
According to the empirical results in every country, the community with the pan-Hungarian ethnocultural nation, and the identification with actual Hungary, is less important than regional Hungarianness in the minority identity of Hungarian minority members from outside the borders of Hungary. The primary in-group is the self-minority community in every country. This may be empirically grasped both on the level of the perceptions of social distances and on stereotypes toward Hungarians from Hungary and toward majority populations (Romanians, Slovaks, etc.).
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| 17 |
ID:
136853
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| Summary/Abstract |
The authenticity of the aircrash on 18 August 1945 remains an enigma, an unsolved mystery, a million dollar question since it holds the clue to Netaji's mysterious disappearance. In order to shed some light on the question, members of Parliament such as Mulka Govind Reddy, Harivishnu Kamath, Prakash Vir Shastri went to Taipe (Fermoza) on a fact finding mission.
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| 18 |
ID:
136580
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this study is to examine the antecedents of social adaptation among North Korean refugees in South Korea. The paper hypothesizes that the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation in South Korea will be mediated by national identity. To test this, a survey was conducted of 405 North Korean refugees in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province in South Korea. Social adaptation among North Korean refugees was associated with perceived discrimination in South Korea. That relationship was mediated by their national identity. In this study, national identity was a partial rather than a full mediator of the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation. This is consistent with the hypothesis that perceived discrimination has not only direct effects on social adaptation, but also has indirect effects on social adaptation through national identity as a mediator. Based on the findings, this study presents practical suggestions for intervention for reducing their discrimination experience and promoting social adaptation and national identity among North Korean refugees in South Korea.
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| 19 |
ID:
135883
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the similarities and differences between multiculturalism and interculturalism, with particular reference to the impact of globalisation and changing patterns of diversity. It reflects briefly on the origins of multiculturalism—largely from a European perspective—with its focus on ‘race’ and the socio-economic analysis that accompanied it. The article suggests that while multiculturalism was right to continue to focus on inequalities, it failed to adapt to super-diversity and the multifaceted aspects of difference and ‘otherness’, including those based on disability, age and gender. Further, while multiculturalism became rooted in intra-national differences, between minority and majority populations, an intercultural approach is now necessary to support the changing patterns of national identity and respond to the recent challenge posed by the growth of far-right and popular extremist parties (PEPs).
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| 20 |
ID:
134838
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| Summary/Abstract |
Communal conflicts, civil wars, and state collapse have led many to portray the notion of African nation-states as an oxymoron. Some scholars of African politics—often referred to as second-generation modernization theorists—have argued that strong ethnic attachments across the continent resulted from rapid economic and political modernization, the very forces credited with reducing parochial ties and consolidating European nations in classic modernization theory. Others have argued that national consolidation in Africa is particularly unlikely due to high degrees of ethnic diversity, colonial rule that exacerbated that diversity, and the partition of cultural groups. Despite the ubiquity of these arguments, there has been very little comparative empirical research on territorial nationalism in Africa. Using individual-level data from sixteen countries, combined with a novel compilation of ethnic group and state characteristics, the author evaluates the observable implications of these long-respected theoretical traditions within a multilevel framework. She finds that attachment to the nation, relative to one's ethnic group, increases with education, urbanization, and formal employment at the individual level, and with economic development at the state level—patterns more consistent with classic modernization theory than with second-generation modernization theory. Thus, if modernization in Africa does indeed intensify ethnic attachment, the impact is overwhelmed by the concurrent increase in panethnic territorial nationalism. Similarly, the results show that ethnic diversity and the partition of ethnic groups by “artificial” state borders increase, rather than decrease, the degree to which individuals identify nationally. Taken together, these results reject pessimistic expectations of African exceptionalism and instead suggest that the emergence of widespread national identification within African states is not only possible but even increasingly likely with greater economic development.
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