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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
191598
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| Summary/Abstract |
Do natural disasters affect presidential approval ratings? In this study, we argue that in South Korea this relationship is conditional on regional partisan cleavages. Since partisanship induces perceptual biases among distinct social groups, we expect that (1) the president’s co-partisans will not blame their president even if the government fails to prevent or mitigate damage from natural disasters, and (2) human and economic losses from disasters, or delivery of disaster relief aid, may boost approval ratings in partisan strongholds. We test these hypotheses using South Korea’s Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-in administrations. The results of vector auto-regressions show that regional partisanship toward the incumbent significantly influences job approval ratings in the wake of natural disasters. While public opinion in metropolitan areas was not affected by disaster losses, both presidents’ approval rose after disasters—typhoons and windstorms, in particular—struck their strongholds in the southeastern part of the country.
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| 2 |
ID:
191595
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese government has effectively adapted to the new environment in which information flow is greatly facilitated by the wide use of social media. This adaptation is aided not only by its resources and learning ability but also by citizens supportive of the regime. Content manipulation and censorship are the two primary approaches used by the Chinese government to manage social media. This paper examines how supportive citizens help the state manage cyberspace by tipping off state agencies. The state encourages tip providers by responding to tips, including political ones, and sometimes by rewarding the provider. Tip providers reduce the cost of monitoring social media, enhance the legitimacy of censorship, and discourage and marginalize regime critics. The presence of tip providers reflects and reinforces the split or ideological polarization among the population.
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| 3 |
ID:
191594
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| Summary/Abstract |
While China has been experiencing rapid economic growth, its conflicts with the United States have become more public. In particular, the argument that the Chinese government can easily gain public support in establishing and promoting national policies under its authoritarian regime has been on the rise. With this background, this study conducts an empirical analysis of data from 4,366 survey respondents using ordinary least squares and ordered logit models to analyze the effect of the Chinese government’s political propaganda and individual characteristics on anti-US sentiment. The results suggest that this propaganda strengthens anti-US sentiment. As for individual characteristics, party officials have stronger anti-US sentiment. Moreover, interacting exposure to political propaganda with the main variables suggests that members of the Communist Party of China, national minorities, and rural residents have stronger anti-US sentiment, presumably because they are more influenced by political propaganda.
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| 4 |
ID:
191593
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Japan, lags behind both developed and developing countries in women’s political participation, the number of female assembly members is rising. However, it is unclear whether this increase has led to the adoption of more women-friendly policies. Therefore, this study empirically investigates the association between the two, focusing on local municipalities. We conducted a questionnaire survey of municipalities nationwide and found that more policies related to work–life balance were adopted when there were female assembly members than when there were not. And where more than 25% of the assembly members were women, policies on social and political participation and support for the socially vulnerable were stronger. Thus we find that in Japan’s municipal assemblies a higher proportion of female members makes the introduction of women-friendly policies more likely.
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| 5 |
ID:
191597
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| Summary/Abstract |
In communist discourse, revisionism denotes a modification of socialist theory and practice that undermines the revolutionary essence of socialism. This article examines the meaning and purpose of North Korea’s anti-revisionism. Each leader has emphasized different aspects of anti-revisionism, in accordance with the changing circumstances. Kim Il Sung made no concessions to revisionism. He endorsed Juche, the monolithic ideological system, and Korean-style socialism to oppose revisionism. Under Kim Jong Il’s leadership, economic cracks emerged in North Korea’s anti-revisionist edifice, though he promoted Songun politics to mitigate them. These economic cracks have widened under Kim Jong Un’s leadership, though he has promoted Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism to successfully maintain an anti-revisionist course. North Korea has upheld anti-revisionism to safeguard socialism and build communism. Anti-revisionism has played a central role in North Korea’s development by determining the evolution of its ideology, socialist system, and foreign policy. Today, North Korea is the last remaining bastion of anti-revisionism.
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| 6 |
ID:
191596
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study investigates the effect of political orientation on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts. In measuring institutional legitimacy, the prior literature, predominantly written in the US context, largely focuses on the police force and demographic factors. Building on previous studies of the role of procedural fairness in determining the degree of institutional trust, this article contributes to a strand of developing literature which highlights how political ideology may color one’s views of legal authorities. Based on a 2020 survey on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts, this article presents a sobering portrayal of a hitherto “most trustworthy institution” in Hong Kong’s deeply polarized and rapidly changing political environment.
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