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| 1 |
ID:
192067
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study seeks to explore the triggers, perpetrators and consequences of electoral violence in the 2011 national elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). From the perspective of different domestic and international electoral observers, the 2011 elections in the DRC were marred by violence. A qualitative approach based on secondary resources was employed to achieve the purpose of the study. Following the content analysis of various documents related to electoral violence during the 2011 elections in the DRC, the findings of the study indicated that members of law enforcement and state agencies (police, the national intelligence agency, the Republican Guard and administrative authorities) including supporters of political parties were identified as the main perpetrators of election-related violence in the DRC. In addition, the paper showed that structural causes such as weak institutionalisation of democracy together with lack of national sense of cohesion were the potential triggers of the 2011 election-related violence in the DRC.
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| 2 |
ID:
192071
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Zimbabwe’s 30 July 2018 elections took place after ‘a military assisted transition’ that ousted Robert Mugabe and installed Emmerson Mnangagwa as president in November 2017. Initially, the new government projected a reformist image and gave civil society hope for a democratic dispensation. Using the ‘local approach’ framework of analysis, this article examines the role played by civil society organisations (CSOs) in peacebuilding in the 2018 elections. Arguably, civil society’s activities defused some tensions; and promoted cohesion, harmony, dialogue, engagement and peace among political actors in the pre-election period. However, CSOs’ lack of autonomy and partisanship dented their credibility and legitimacy in peacebuilding. Civil society’s polarised response to post-election violence shattered hopes for a common peacebuilding strategy.
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| 3 |
ID:
192069
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The complications presented to international criminal justice in general and to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in particular by individuals who at one time were victims such as those abducted as ‘child soldiers’ who later became Warlords, deserve to be revisted and unpacked. One such character is Dominic Ongwen who is a typical example of both a victim and a perpetrator of gross violations of human rights, war crimes and genocide. The purpose of this article is six-fold. First, to explore the intersection between political and war criminality. Second, to unpack Ongwen’s conviction and its implications for various stakeholders. Third, I expand on the role of spirituality in shaping the behaviour of combatants and military strategy. Fourth, I diagnose the futility of the ICC’s ‘distant justice’ which operates by ‘exporting criminality’ and ‘importing justice’. Fifth, I propose how to turn Ongwen from an international criminal justice liability into an asset. Lastly, I conclude by proposing a rethinking of international criminal justice by embracing ‘survivors’ justice’ at the ICC. This way, both perpetrators and victims (survivours) can be rehumanised.
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| 4 |
ID:
192070
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorist and Related Activities Amendment Act 23 of 2022 amends South Africa’s anti-terrorism legislation, the Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorist and Related Activities Act 33 of 2004, by, among other things, removing the requirement of motive from the definitional elements of the offence of terrorism. Before the amendment of the original legislation, motive was the third and final requirement to be satisfied before the intentional (and possibly even the negligent) commission of the various listed acts could officially constitute the offence of terrorism. This commentary sets out the detail of the three original elements of the offence of terrorism and ultimately exposes the major problem with the removal of the motive requirement, particularly if negligence is found to also be the envisaged form of fault. A solution which could help overcome the identified problem and sustain the removal of the motive requirement, is suggested in the commentary.
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| 5 |
ID:
192066
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This study appraises the mainstreaming and teaching of safety in journalism training institutions in Nigeria and interrogates the effectiveness of the safety measures available to safeguard the lives of journalists reporting from conflict areas in the North East geopolitical zone. In-depth interviews were conducted with 16 journalists representing a range of media organisations who had been reporting from the areas with the most volatile and prolonged conflicts. Mass communication curricula in universities and polytechnics across the region were also reviewed. The findings revealed that journalists in North East Nigeria are at high risk due to the absence of protective mechanisms and professional skills relating to safety. Journalists rely on their instincts and experience to manage risk, rendering them highly vulnerable in dangerous situations. These journalists endure multiple physical and psychological attacks from the security forces, insurgents and even community members that they cover. Recommendations reflective of best practice are offered regarding the mainstreaming of safety education in journalism training and the provision of safety mechanisms in order to reduce journalists’ physical harm and psychological trauma, increase their actual and perceived safety and security, boost their morale and improve the quality of their reporting.
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| 6 |
ID:
192072
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses nearly 600 terrorist attacks against healthcare facilities and workers in Africa between 1974 and 2021. It demonstrates there has been a notable increase in the number of terrorist attacks on these targets and explores the different attack modes, targets, and locations. The article describes how the attacks have transformed over the last nearly fifty years, becoming increasingly lethal. Consequently, it calls for scholars, the healthcare sector, governments, and international groups in Africa to recognise these trends and improve counter-measures for preventing and mitigating healthcare facility and worker attacks.
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| 7 |
ID:
192073
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This article examines the threat analysis across Africa that should be included in Force Design 2030 (FD2030) for the United States Marine Corps. FD2030 is a strategic guidance document with emphasis on Great Power Competition with China, Russia, Korea, Iran and violent extremist organisations. Africa is not mentioned. This is a notable omission, given that high-level interventions by the Marines in the past to Africa have not been overtly successful. Given geo-strategic significances and hot spots, it is inevitable that the Marines will be deployed again landward to Africa or seaward of the continent. Recommendations are made to be included in the document based upon lessons learned from failures in Somalia, Libya and Lebanon and successes in Syria and Iraq, and the experiences of others – France in Mali and Burkina Faso and United States Africa Command. Great Power Competition, violent extremist organisations and the grey-zone phenomenon across Africa are scrutinised, as are intelligence, counterintelligence and hybrid warfare.
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| 8 |
ID:
192068
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Realism and liberalism theories have had the most significant influence on the analyses for international relations. While the theories have proven useful in enriching understanding of complex situations at the regional level, both are insufficient in explaining the absence of violent inter-state conflicts in West Africa. This article argues that realism and liberalism cannot explain the absence of inter-state conflicts in West Africa. Instead, constructivism offers a more useful explanation by focusing on the values that define state relations. The principle of non-aggression and peaceful settlement of disputes appear more pronounced among the states and define their relations. Adherence to these norms has led to the emergence of a collective identity and a security community among the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) states. The common identity and non-violent approach of the states towards each other is founded on the values of ‘Pan-West Africanism’ that advocates West African unity, brotherliness and solidarity. Pan-West Africanism reinforces a consciousness of a commonly shared colonial history and the construction of a post-colonial victim identity and oppressed members of the international community that requires mutual cooperation devoid of violence.
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