|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
192218
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Bill Norton was brought up with exploration in his veins. His father, E.F. Norton, was a leader of the 1924 Everest team and reached the height of 28,126 ft without oxygen, the highest anyone had ever climbed at that time and a record that lasted for 50 years. Bill’s great-grandfather was a founder of the Alpine Club. It is not therefore surprising that Bill’s adventurous spirit lasted the whole of his life. One of his first adventures was to the Elburz mountains in northern Persia, in 1956 while he was an undergraduate at Cambridge, and, the following year, he described it in a lecture to the Society.Footnote1 The list of the birds he recorded during the expedition was subsequently published International Journal of Avian Science.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
192216
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Michael Natzler's report for the Higher Education Policy Institute of March 2022 entitled “Understanding China: The Study of China and Mandarin in UK Schools and Universities” surveyed the provision of Chinese Studies in Britain since the Second World War and pointed out Britain's slow progress and current unpreparedness to cope with the new role of China in world affairs. In reviewing his very valuable contribution a longer-term perspective is adopted, going back to the nineteenth century, to explore the repeated failure of attempts at improving the situation as the background to a current almost complete failure to cope with the complexities of the Chinese cultural tradition, the understanding of which requires much more than a short course in Mandarin. Ignorance of Chinese culture is an insult to persons of Chinese heritage whatever their political persuasion, but under current circumstances educating Britons in this area after decades of ignorance and prejudice is not going to be easy.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
192220
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) from a soft power conceptual perspective. It traces the origins of the NSP-T before the Tsai Ing-wen administration came into power in 2016 and then discusses the NSP-T’s subsequent implementation. Through an overview of the earlier ‘Go South Policy’ (GSP) during the administrations of Lee Teng-hui, Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou (1994–2016), this paper finds that soft power was not institutionalised in the policy despite it being a prevalent concept, and repeatedly propagated by successive Taiwanese presidents for their foreign policy goals. Soft power is now outlined as the ‘overarching link’ connecting Taiwan and the NSP-T countries for the attainment of the former’s three strategic aims ─ identifying a new direction and driving force for a new stage of Taiwan’s economic development, redefining Taiwan’s important role in regional development and creating future value for Taiwan’s engagements in the region. This article seeks to extrapolate how soft power contributes to the achievement of the three policy visions in Southeast Asia. Through assessments of NSP-T cooperation programmes and strategies in its six sectors of medical care, agriculture, manufacturing, tourism, education and civil society, an analytical model is introduced to explain Taiwan’s soft power projection in Southeast Asia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
192217
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Neville Green was the longest serving Treasurer of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs, an accomplished international banker who used his skills for the benefit of the Society and, latterly, an Honorary Vice President.
Neville Green was born in Newcastle in 1929 but was evacuated to the town of Hexham during the war. In 1947, he joined the Royal Navy for his National Service but spent most of his time playing cricket and coxing a racing whaler as his ship never went to sea! After two years working for the Midland Bank, in 1950 he joined the Eastern Bank, later to become part of Standard Chartered Bank, in Singapore. In 1960, during a posting in Barcelona, he married Edna Carr following a ten year courtship. Sadly Edna died in 2020. They had two children, Jeremy, who works in private equity and Amanda, who is a barrister.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
192221
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The administration of President Moon Jae-In introduced the Republic of Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ (NSP-K) in 2017 to pursue a more diversified foreign policy by fostering stronger diplomatic and economic ties with Southeast Asia and India. However, the 2022 presidential election resulted in the victory of Yoon Suk-yeol and a shift in administration. President Yoon has expressed the need to deepen South Korea’s engagement with ASEAN and India to reduce reliance on China and adopted a new ‘Strategy for a free, peaceful, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region’ built on the ‘Global Pivotal State’ (GPS) Initiative. This article provides a brief overview and assessment of South Korea’s NSP-K under the Moon administration, examines its transition under the new Yoon administration, and analyses policy implications within the larger geopolitical context, especially concerning South Korea’s ability to establish an independent agenda as a middle power amid growing Sino-American tension.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
192219
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This special issue discusses the roles played by two ‘middle powers’ in the Indo-Pacific region: Taiwan and South Korea. It examines their attempts to use regional policy to decrease their dependence on the great powers and thereby reduce their overall level of marginalisation and subordination. The two states find themselves navigating through a complex geopolitical landscape amid US–China rivalry while, at the same time, working to meet their own challenges in regional affairs. In recent years, both have aimed to diversify their relationships and expand their presence across the wider region with a ‘New Southbound Policy’ (NSP-T), in the case of Taiwan, and a ‘New Southern Policy’ (NSP-K), in the case of South Korea. Both policies are aimed at important neighbours, namely Southeast Asia and India, major recipients of Taiwanese and South Korean capital, technology, cultural influence and educational aid.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
192226
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares the ways Taiwan and South Korea have navigated the politics of soft power to gradually exert their influence in South and Southeast Asia. It then analyses Taiwan's self-declared ‘warm power' practices. The article is divided into five parts. The first highlights the conceptual evolution of soft power and new policy practices in Asia. The second discusses the transformation and strengthening from soft power to warm power. The third introduces South Korea's New Southern Policy through the lens of soft power. The fourth presents Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy, and the conclusion compares the impact and prospects of the two.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
192223
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Republic of Korea's New Southern Policy (NSP-K), introduced in 2017, and its New Southern Policy Plus (NSP-K+), introduced in 2020, were regarded as highlights of former President Moon Jae-in's foreign policy initiatives. Building upon the three pillars of ‘People, Prosperity and Peace', South Korea strengthened diplomatic and economic ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as part of its effort to elevate the organization as one of its main diplomatic partners. While the benefits of the NSP-K and NSP-K+ were very much focused on its external partners, the authors argue that the policy also elevated South Korea's middle power presence and ambition in the region, albeit with an unequal impact on various ASEAN member countries. This paper examines the concept of middle power and in doing so, looks at previous initiatives undertaken by South Korea in advancing its middle power strategy. It will then evaluate whether the NSP-K and NSP-K+ could be regarded as successful tools which contributed to enhancing South Korea’s middle power diplomacy and presence among ASEAN member states.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
192224
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The widening rift between the United States and China, the former’s efforts to strengthen ties with partners in Asia, China’s aggressive postures and its poaching of Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic allies have opened up new possibilities for Taiwan’s external engagement. The inclination of the Democratic Progressive Party-led government in Taiwan to forge regional partnerships led it to develop its flagship foreign policy – the New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) and to proactively look towards India. Amid the changing geopolitical situation, the regional positions and roles of India and Taiwan have undergone a transformation and the two states’ interests in advancing relations have become visible. While NSP-T represents a concrete decision from Taiwan’s side to push outwards, the deterioration in India’s relations with China, particularly since the border clashes at Galwan in 2020, along with India’s own growing role in the region, could be categorised as pull factors. This article offers an Indian perspective on India’s place in the NSP-T. It argues that China’s increasing assertiveness and the possibility of mutual economic benefits are the main factors driving Taiwan-India relations and that the NSP-T is facilitating the cooperation and advancement in the ties.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
192225
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides an Indian perspective on the evolution of South Korea’s New Southern Policy (NSP-K) and its implications for the two countries’ bilateral relations. It argues that, amid the intensification of regional great power geopolitics, NSP-K manifests Korea’s assertion of middle power agency, featuring a quest for regional influence and autonomy. As an instrument intended to strengthen relations with India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), NSP-K was driven by a desire to reduce Korea’s great power dependence and promote its image as a bilateral partner through an agenda of economic and diplomatic diversification. The evolution of NSP-K as Korea’s regional approach and its ambiguous position on the Indo-Pacific concept manifested the Moon administration’s prioritisation of ‘balanced diplomacy’ and the pursuit of ‘strategic autonomy’ in regional affairs. NSP-K, with its emphasis on the upgrading of India’s status in Korean foreign policy, has significantly contributed to the visibility and prospects of India-Korea bilateral relations. However, Korea’s ambiguity on the Indo-Pacific concept and its neglect of geostrategic and security issues, which New Delhi sees as critical in building a stable regional order, has become a limitation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
192222
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Launched by President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016, the New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) aims to enhance cooperation and exchange between Taiwan and 18 countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Australasia. The policy is a concerted effort designed to expand Taiwan’s presence across these broad regions by leveraging Taiwan’s cultural, educational, technological and economic resources. There is no doubt that the NSP-T has yielded results in terms of economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges between Taipei and Southeast Asia. However, with Beijing pushing forward its own agenda and, at the same time, asserting more pressure on Taiwan, there are questions about how Taiwan should respond. This article argues that China, through its enormous economic influence and constant consolidation of ‘One China Policy’ in Southeast Asia has limited the success and effectiveness of the NSP-T in the region. The impact of this ‘China Factor’ has, however, differed among Southeast Asian countries due to their distinct relationships with China. This article also argues that while China’s economic diplomacy has earned Beijing considerable influence in the region, that influence has not been translated into Southeast Asian support for its foreign policies, principles nor values – leaving Taiwan with rooms to maneuver its strategic space in the region. Therefore, several policy directions, clusters and implementations have been identified for Taiwan’s consideration in order to enhance existing Taiwan-ASEAN relations. These are: the visible and viable institutionalisation of the NSP-T; addressing existing and emerging issues in the NSP-T; and the consolidation of Taiwan-ASEAN long term connectivity.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|