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| 1 |
ID:
193045
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 20 October 2020, the military and police force opened fatal shootings at peaceful unarmed #EndSARS protesters. This article examines the political and socio-economic undercurrents of #EndSARS protest. It argues that the predatory state–society relations where the state is the predator and citizens are the preys nurtured the increasing distrust between the state and its citizens, and ultimately, resulted in the deepening mutual mistrust between the police and people. The article concludes that the #EndSARS protest created opportunity for the Nigerian state to accelerate and accumulate its bourgeoning repressive character instead of reducing it. It recommends symbiotic state–society relations.
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| 2 |
ID:
193038
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| Summary/Abstract |
The interplay of several international, regional, and local factors poses daunting challenges for deterrence stability in South Asia. The emerging revolution in the military affairs compounded with prolonged crises vis-à-vis the absence of any conflict resolution mechanism between India and Pakistan; the nuclear deterrence is budding a fragile relationship between the two nuclear-armed pugnacious belligerents of South Asia. The Indian aspirations to accumulate maximum power based on its strategic partnerships with the technologically advanced countries in the world are characterized by the classic Indian strategic thinking to establish its leadership in the region. At the same time, Pakistan’s reliance on China in its quests for acquiring military hardware required for the deterrence equation seemingly remains insatiable within the framework of the stability–instability paradox. Without a holistic analysis of the political and strategic challenges, casus belli of the crises, and nuclear command and control systems dynamics between the two, it would amount to a petitio principii to draw theoretical assumptions. Therefore, this study attempts to comprehensively explain the phenomena by analyzing the challenges of nuclear deterrence stability in South Asia at different levels.
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| 3 |
ID:
193037
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Against the background of seemingly uncontrollable social menace and environmental nuisance of street children, this study examined the effects of open space characteristics on the spatial distribution of street children in Ibadan, Nigeria. With open space types in the city as spatial units of data collection, enumeration of street children was carried out in each space type within 7 weekdays in the morning, afternoon and evening. Observation was also conducted to know the socio-economic and physical characteristics of the urban environment attracting the children. The study, which employed z-scores to compare the intensity of street children incidence across the spatial units, confirmed that the incidence was a function of the uses to which open space types were put as well as the disorderliness of urban physical environment (indiscriminate parking, formal and informal economic activities, and so on). The most important open space types that attracted street children were markets, mosque premises and junctions. Although, incidence of street children was a daily affair in Ibadan, it was highly pronounced in the evening on Saturday, Friday and Monday. The study recommended development of policy measures for regulating the use of open spaces, and giving adequate planning attention to roundabouts, religious centres (mosques in particular) and markets in urban centres. It also recommended public education and enlightenment programme on the negative effects of street children incidence by all stakeholders, and that the aspect of culture of the people that encourages child begging and alms giving should be discouraged in its entirety.
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| 4 |
ID:
193031
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| Summary/Abstract |
KwaMaye community in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, has, for decades, suffered from severe environmental degradation partly due to soil erosion. Yet, no study has analysed farmers’ perception of environmental challenges confronting them and their effects on local livelihoods. Focus group discussions were conducted with KwaMaye farmers selected through purposive and snowball sampling techniques. KwaMaye farmers argued that soil erosion is triggered by climate fluctuations, overgrazing, termites and moles infestation. Also, the farmers suggested that environmental degradation has worsened in recent years due to increasing livestock population and shrinking grazing fields, among others. Also, farmers revealed that while provincial authorities during apartheid installed large-scale terracing to combat soil erosion, KwaMaye residents have not received any assistance from the provincial government. The aggressive nature of environmental degradation in KwaMaye has caused some farmers to quit food production despite a series of Indigenous interventions employed to combat soil erosion-related land degradation.
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| 5 |
ID:
193033
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given the global commitment to zero hunger and in the backdrop of Asian enigma, this paper looks into nutritional deprivation among Kandhas, a tribal community from Odisha, India. Based on fieldwork during a harvest period, the pervasive household-specific and nutrient-specific deprivation is intriguing. An inverse relationship between the number of nutrient deficiencies and the number of food groups consumed is observed. Food intake among pregnant and lactating mothers at homes is lower than that at Maa Gruha, a care facility. The fieldwork coincides with the initial days of a millets intervention and could serve as a baseline for future comparison.
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| 6 |
ID:
193034
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Confucius Institute (CI) was established in 2004 by China to disseminate its language, culture and other forms of positive knowledge to people of different nationalities. By critiquing existing analytical frameworks of the CI, this article draws on Foucault’s conception of power, which explains the role of language, culture, value and other non-material elements in the operation of power, to examine the case study of the CI in Africa. By investigating the CI’s power structure, its internal power operations and its power effects, this research seeks to ascertain the role of the CI in the institutionalisation of China’s foreign policy towards Africa.
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| 7 |
ID:
193039
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This article analyses the incorporation of social dialogue in industrial relations and its role in pacifying public sector unions in Zambia. A sample of 19 managers of public institutions and union leaders in Lusaka participated in the research. The research reveals that social dialogue is used to pacify trade unions as governments implement structural adjustment policies, which bring about poor employment conditions. Although the unions have responded to pacification by diversifying and servicing their membership, they are still weak. This finding is significant because it helps us to understand why unions in Southern Africa are weak in the post-independence era.
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| 8 |
ID:
193029
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research problematizes the contested nature of the global norm diffusion by focusing on intra-group rivalries and fragmentations shaping local responses (often reactionary and resistant) to global norms. Such an examination is important primarily to account for what leads to shifts in the local reception of norms over time. This study empirically explores local fragmentation, rivalry and change in response nexus in the example of the reception of the global gender equality norms in Turkey by the conservative normative bloc. It reveals that the conservative bloc is not a monolithic normative order and that there are two main competing receptions of the gender equality norm within the group in Turkey. With a firm emphasis on Turkey’s first initiating and later withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, the study elaborates how the institutionalized conservative response to gender equality has shifted from a compromising acceptance to a rejection over time.
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| 9 |
ID:
193041
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigated the intra-urban distribution of child hawking in Enugu Municipality, Nigeria. The study first enumerated child hawkers across three residential areas (core, transition and sub-urban) simultaneously on different weekdays and at different locations (activity-nuclei) in Enugu municipality. A questionnaire was then employed to obtain information from 95 incidentally selected child hawkers, comprising 49, 21 and 25, respectively. Information sourced was their socio-economic characteristics and factors influencing their taking to the street to hawk. The data were analysed using percentages, cross tabulation and standard scores. Results showed that 58.9% were males, 53.7% were out-of-school and 47.4% realized ₦501.00–₦1000.00 ($1.4USD–$2.78USD) per day. Factors influencing child hawking, measured through an index tagged ‘Child Hawkers’ Factor Index’ (CHFI) on a 5-point Likert-type scale, showed that poverty was the most prevalent factor in the core, transition and sub-urban areas of the municipality, respectively, with (CHFI = 3.67), (CHFI = 3.64) and (CHFI = 3.37). The study further showed that there was a relationship between child hawking incidence and land use activities. It observed that the core residential area, junction, Motor Park and market land uses were generators of child hawkers. The study suggested effective urban planning and policy measures in addressing the menace of child hawking.
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| 10 |
ID:
193043
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to international statistics and domestic research, the rate of law-abidingness in Iran is low. The purpose of this article is to measure the degree of law-abidingness in the administrative system. The results show that in general, the mediation effect for three mediation variables in the path model is significant except the relationship between political satisfaction, necessity of organizational rules, and law-abidingness. There is mediation effect between political satisfaction, trust, and law-abidingness, which is positive. There is a positive significant relationship between political satisfaction, success priority of material preference system, and law-abidingness. The relationship between nepotism, trust, and law-abidingness is negative.
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| 11 |
ID:
193040
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Covid-19 pandemic has had unprecedented global impact, creating multiple crises that have gone beyond the epidemiological, extending to the socio-economic and political. It has exposed structural flaws in global capitalism and intensified inequalities that have traditionally been imbedded in relations of production and social reproduction. In emerging Covid-19 literature, blind spots exist on its impact on peasant households. It is this knowledge gap that this article fills. Focusing on an agrarian context in rural Zimbabwe, the article employs a classical agrarian perspective and the political economy approach as conceptual and heuristic tools to explore the impact which this novel virus has had on rural livelihoods. It shows that the pandemic has impacted agricultural production, social reproduction, labour relations and asset accumulation. While its impact has been largely negative, opportunities were created with peasant agency being critical in dealing with shocks and vulnerabilities.
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| 12 |
ID:
193044
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ethiopia is the most prominent example of the late 20th-century adoption of federalism to accommodate diversity and complete state-building. This article explores the implementation of federalism and accommodation of ethnonational diversity in dominant party regimes by using Ethiopia as a case. Drawing on legal documents, literature, news sources and government reports, the article argues that federalism enabled distinctive groups to promote their culture, use their languages and exercise self-rule in their territory. However, ethnonationalities’ constitutionally proclaimed self-determination rights and the practice rarely correspond. Although all ethnonationalities have the same constitutional rights, some are still subjugated, and self-rule remains their dream. The dominant party regime in Ethiopia met demands for self-rule and accommodation with suppression and violence. The constitution grants regions to use their legislative powers to accommodate region-specific demands; nevertheless, regions cannot operate out of the narrow framework of the federal ruling party. Thus, regions became repressive agents of the centre rather than genuine self-rule agents. Insights from Ethiopia have broader implications for states embracing federalism.
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| 13 |
ID:
193030
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| Summary/Abstract |
Music and speech have been utilized to enrich this study phenomenon to unveil the hero-worshipping in Zimbabwean leadership. The research examined that the post-independence Zimbabwe under Mugabe and Mnangagwa administration has found both leaders worshipped and attributed to as heroes, if not demigods. At the same time, how music and speech have been used to despise or smear campaign the opposition leadership. I argued that music and speech are at the center of ZANU-PF, evidenced in 21st century in a bid to win elections through political parties and individual image building.
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| 14 |
ID:
193046
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of the research was to find out why the reforms of the long-term state policy for the development of national science did not lead to an increase in the funding of scientific research and an increase in the role of science in the national innovation system, including in the field of agricultural science. The study was conducted using questionnaire-based survey methods and focused expert interviews. The results obtained in the course of the research are of practical interest to the authorized bodies of the state scientific and innovation policy of Kazakhstan, subjects of innovation infrastructure and entrepreneurs in the field of science and innovation. According to the results of the survey, the trend of scientists’ dissatisfaction with the existing system of financing agro-industrial science is clearly traced, as well as their own opinions on specific measures to solve problems existing in this area.
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| 15 |
ID:
193032
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In this paper, I examine the relationship between three distinct attitudes of mothers (pro-boy, egalitarian, and pro-girl) and stunting among boys and girls of age 0–14 years in India using the Indian Human Development Survey (IHDS) 2004–2005. Probit model estimates suggest that mothers’ pro-girl attitudes are associated with less likelihood of observing stunting among girls and boys. Additional analysis by wealth categories shows that stunting among girls reduces when they have mothers with pro-girl attitudes and live in wealthy households. Robustness tests conducted with “severely stunted” as the dependent variable confirm the findings.
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| 16 |
ID:
193047
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As primary drivers of global growth, China and India as Asian giants are on the path to reforming their higher education systems to drive innovation. This paper based on both primary and secondary data sources investigates how India’s democratic political leadership has facilitated higher education reform for fostering innovation while underlining key differences in the policy approach of the Chinese leadership. Findings identify the areas of reform for India and also reveal that epistemic boundaries between India and China are beginning to blur so far as right-wing ideological regimentation is concerned, with possible implications for innovation.
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| 17 |
ID:
193035
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| Summary/Abstract |
The lived experiences of women in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are poorly understood despite the centrality of this issue in discourses on victims’ experiences. This study examines the travail of Gwoza women in New Kuchingoro IDPs camp in Abuja, Nigeria. It attempts to identify the survival strategies adopted by women and the possibility of their returning home, in northeastern Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research design utilising both primary and secondary data. Insights for data analyses were drawn from transactional theory of stress and coping strategies. The study reveals that Gwoza women rely largely on humanitarian aid from NGOs, while the federal government has largely failed to fulfil that role. Reliance on subsistence farming and humanitarian aid implies that their coping or survival strategy is only tentative. Gwoza women also regard the issue of security as a source of livelihood crucial to their survival, which they are unlikely to get should they return home where they will be exposed to attacks by the insurgent Boko Haram. Moreover, the Nigerian government has not given them any assurance on the provision of adequate security and means of livelihood upon return. They are thus compelled to remain in camp.
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| 18 |
ID:
193042
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is an empirical examination of ‘victimhood’ in the context of the widespread, deadly and destructive electoral violence that affected Zimbabwe in 2008. It contends that an examination of the behaviour of victims of state-sponsored political violence enhances our comprehension of ‘victimhood’ as a factor in the perpetuation of political violence. The victims were largely ignored by the justice system, the political leadership and the community, all of whom were under the coercive spell of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The trivialisation of their situation, and the absence of legitimate avenues for redress, forced many victims to seek direct revenge. The article traces how this fomented and reproduced the already violent political atmosphere in Norton town during the 2008 election period. It relies on interviews with opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) victims of violence in Norton to consider how they attempted to make sense of their pain by claiming victimhood and exacting physical revenge against their tormentors.
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