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| 1 |
ID:
193858
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| Summary/Abstract |
What is the effect of delegation to an agreement executor, such as an international organization (IO), on the success of conventional arms control (CAC) agreements in Europe? Arms control agreements have taken different approaches to delegation. The extent of state delegation to treaty executors has ranged from nonexistent to substantial. Previous studies have not looked at delegation as an independent variable of CAC agreement success. This article applies a sum score methodology assessing nine variables in a dataset of nineteen CAC agreements in Europe over the past 100 years. There is a low correlation between delegation and CAC agreement success, though the data suggests that third-party state and IO involvement are the most significant variables related to success. This article proposes that high delegation to an IO with third-party state participation will increase the likelihood that a future CAC agreement between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Russia could succeed.
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| 2 |
ID:
193859
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Informal intergovernmental organizations (IIGO s) are institutionally weak: they lack a legal foundation and a permanent secretariat, staff, or headquarters. Yet states’ use of IIGO s like the Group of 7 (G7), Group of 20 (G20), and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) group has grown from ad hoc crisis management to the ongoing governance of a variety of critical global issues. How do IIGO s support extensive state interaction without a permanent secretariat? Surprisingly, whereas existing work focuses on why states choose informality, how IIGO s function and adapt remains little explored. This article traces the changing organizational requirements and IIGO s’ institutional design through an in-depth anatomy of the G20. It demonstrates that the G20 substituted for formal centralization through the development of three principal mechanisms: a troika rotating chair system, the designation of Sherpas, and the reliance on information technology. In doing so, the article highlights the institutional foundations of one of the most significant organizational reconfigurations in the post-Cold War multilateral system.
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| 3 |
ID:
193855
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This article examines the theoretical foundations of international security and regime theory that lay strict conditions for the creation of international regimes to explain the nature of the cyber conflict and the reasons that prevent the creation of a global regime for cybersecurity. This article analyzes the cybersecurity concerns and interests of the world’s leading powers in cyberspace—China, Russia, the European Union, and the United States—based on some key cybersecurity issues in dispute, inter alia, information sovereignty, militarization of cyberspace, and their politics of cyber norms. The article suggests that the absence of a dominant hegemon in the international system, and the perception of cyberspace not only as a domain that increases vulnerabilities and threats, but also as a domain for gaining a strategic advantage, does not meet the theoretical premises for the creation of an international regime.
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| 4 |
ID:
193860
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the era of globalization, the international community has witnessed a rapid increase in the number of low-skilled workers migrating from developing countries to industrial countries. However, there remain competing approaches to the governance of low-skilled labor migration; that is, the economic theory and the rights-based approach. By utilizing the labor migration between Vietnam and Japan under the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP), this article reveals the limitations of these two approaches in governing the migration of low-skilled workers. Moreover, through examining the Memorandum of Cooperation on the Technical Intern Training Program signed by the Vietnamese and Japanese governments in 2017 and its contribution to the TITP, this article suggests that to regulate labor migration properly, it is essential to uphold the rights-based approach and consider labor migration as a transnational issue that should be addressed at the international level; that is, through the bilateral or multilateral instruments.
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| 5 |
ID:
193856
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This article examines strategies used in coping with domestic legitimacy crises in Albania. In these crises, blending national with international governance became a resource for governance interventions. Although prevailing approaches to state building and to judiciary governance have continued to follow Westphalian or Weberian paradigms, which characterize the state by its monopoly over judicial authority, Albania has faced difficulties in implementing even modest programs of justice reform, let alone significant transformations in judiciary governance. For this purpose, it has chosen to bring in “international” actors with a constitutional role in the judiciary apparatus. The constitutionally established operation composed by internationals has been “subcontracted” to manage and oversee the process of appointment and dismissal of judges and prosecutors. Based on fieldwork and using an adapted model of hybridization, the article examines the complex mix of national and international dynamics that were combined to produce a hybrid or composite regime in the judiciary of Albania.
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| 6 |
ID:
193854
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Covid-19 pandemic hit with world-changing force in March 2020, the United Nations proved surprisingly creative and adaptable as an institution, quickly shifting modes and coming up with multiple mandate-saving ways of adapting. This seems incongruous with the widely held image of the organization. However, its primary organs and other bodies responded to the pandemic quite effectively, ensuring the continuity of their work and fulfilling their numerous mandates.
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| 7 |
ID:
193857
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| Summary/Abstract |
United Nations Country Teams and governments often lack country-specific and Sustainable Development Goals (SDG s)–centric tools for scenario building and policies that can accelerate SDG s progress. This Toolkit provides a ready-to-use solution. We present different forecasted scenarios on an SDG by SDG level, and their interlinkages and links to human rights, which are precalculated for all countries. A United Nations Country Team or government can use the Toolkit to identify the potentially most suitable areas and policy mixes of policy interventions for SDG acceleration, while being able to account for the integrated nature of SDG s and keep a focus on the most vulnerable groups and human rights.
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