|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
193889
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Private interests might occasionally influence the decisions of troop-providers when contributing to UN peacekeeping missions. However, the pursuit of private benefits impacts how the mandates of peacekeeping missions are fulfilled. Drawing upon the conflict-of-interest theory, I argue that the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping operations is compromised when troop-providers lack ideational commitment to the principles of UN peacekeeping. This article explores the impact of troop-providers’ ideational commitment to UN peacekeeping on the duration of UN missions. To achieve this, a duration analysis is conducted over all completed and ongoing peacekeeping operations from April 1991 to December 2019. The results reveal that conflicting interests within peacekeeping operations lead to an increased time required for concluding UN missions. In essence, by establishing a connection between the raison d’^etre of troop-providers and the duration of missions, this article outlines significant policy implications for the United Nations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
193892
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews the creative ways in which the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, used the UN Secretariat to achieve his goals, as well as the obstacles he faced in doing so. Using new sources – including confidential UN memos, elite interviews, and private archives – the paper suggests that, in the context of peacekeeping, the former Secretary-General engaged in parallel processes of ‘politicization’ and ‘depoliticization’: on the one hand he minimised, avoided and concealed the substantive dimensions of certain decisions, units and issues with the aim of marginalising those departments and officials that he saw as too close to the United States, while on the other he empowered those bureaucratic units which he felt he could more easily control. Specifically, by bestowing upon the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) a sweeping mandate while painting the role of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) as merely ‘operational’, Boutros-Ghali used ‘technicization’ as a means to strengthen the Secretary-General's office.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
193891
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Although African regional interventions have tangible effects on politics and order in African states, we know little about how people living in the countries concerned experience and evaluate these interventions. The assumption in the literature is that African interventions are generally perceived as legitimate due to the interveners’ cultural proximity to the contexts of intervention. Based on interview and focus group research, we present firsthand and systematically generated empirical data on local perceptions of AU and ECOWAS interventions in two African states: Burkina Faso (2014/15) and The Gambia (2016/17). Contrary to the assumption in the literature, we demonstrate that (1) AU and ECOWAS interventions are locally more contested than often assumed, but that (2) local perceptions are at the same time multiplex. In both countries, we find (3) a marked difference between elite perceptions on the one hand and those of ‘everyday citizens’ on the other, which reflects variegated experiences with and exposures to the regional interventions resulting from different social, political, and spatial positionalities. These findings extend existing research on local perceptions of interventions by a perspective on non-Western interveners; and they have important implications for understanding both the legitimacy and effectiveness of African regional interventions.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
193893
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The notion of legitimacy is essential to motivate soldiers to fight in wars. However, the value of this factor to motivate in operations that do not involve the state’s vital interests – such as peacekeeping – is little explored. Drawing upon theories of the legitimate use of force and combat motivation, I argue that the UN legitimacy of using force to advance peacekeeping mandates is fundamental for the motivation of the blue helmets to carry out risky tasks and fight, as necessary, in robust PKOs. The article begins by proposing an operational definition of legitimacy to use force to advance peacekeeping mandates, a necessary step for effective communication with interviewees in subsequent empirical investigations. Then, it explores the connection between legitimacy and soldiers’ motivation to fight. Lastly, a case study based on interviews with dozens of blue helmets investigates perceptions of the legitimacy to use force and its motivational role in robust PKOs. The results reveal that positive perceptions of the mission legitimacy to use force increase the blue helmets’ motivation to accomplish risky tasks. Consequently, the article points to increasing awareness about the conditions that render the use of force legitimate as a way to improve military performances in robust PKOs.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
193890
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
How has the local turn approach been translated within peacebuilding mission mandates? Novelties introduced by International and Regional Organizations’ strategic documents shape a new approach termed ‘local turn’ (LT) in the literature, which envisages a more context-sensitive peacebuilding focused on resilience and local ownership. While finding significant potential, academic debate describes LT as a strategic adaptation of the liberal peace paradigm, functional to the provision of means for a pragmatic retreat from (over)ambitious goals. The study builds on this by focusing on a rather unexplored type of primary source: mission mandates. Through automated text analysis, we trace the consistency of liberal peace and local turn features in the United Nations and European Union peacebuilding mandates over the past two decades. The results confirm a detachment between policy orientations versus goals and instruments already at the level of mandates and highlight traits of systematicity in the utilitarian use of LT as an exit strategy. This study enriches the literature on UN and EU peacebuilding and paves the way for further research on policy change in post-conflict reconstruction.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|