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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
193897
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| Summary/Abstract |
Civil wars are complex in ways that challenge effective resolution. Civil war actors tend to be dynamic in nature and often splinter then coalesce over time potentially evolving into multiple dyads pitted against their government. Previous work has demonstrated that when multiple rebel factions emerge, civil wars tend to be longer in duration as satisfying multiple factions tends to be more challenging. However, governments may choose to pursue dyadic agreements hoping to end the conflict either through subsequent dyadic negotiations or through more targeted military tactics focusing intently on the remaining faction(s). This study suggests that which dyads will be excluded from the peace is predictable, but also seeks to better understand what happens to those excluded factions that hedge their bets to continue the fight. Propositions are tested on all civil war peace agreements between 1945-2013. Key findings indicate the importance of political power-sharing provision and third-party assistance in bringing excluded groups into the fold.
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| 2 |
ID:
193896
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| Summary/Abstract |
The study aimed to determine the estimated cost of positive peace (CoPP) that countries make in their key institutions or the main contributors to maintaining and sustaining peace. Using a system, structure, and attitude approach and the latest globally available data on countries’ spending on the military, judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and education, CoPP is estimated. The study found an estimated average CoPP of US$ 1,693 billion or US$ 1,244 per capita per annum in 55 sampled countries for 2015. The analysis further suggests that there are two main categories of costs: a) costs of maintaining positive peace, and b) costs of sustaining positive peace. The study found that the countries with a higher level of positive peace invest more in sustaining peace which decreases with the decline in positive peace. In contrast, the countries with a lower level of positive peace invest more in maintaining peace which decreases with the increase in positive peace. The findings also show that countries governing the welfare state model, tend to be more peaceful, with a higher share in sustaining peace. Similarly, cultural, ethnic, and social homogeneity is found to be contributing factors to shaping positive societal attitudes, though further investigations are required.
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| 3 |
ID:
193894
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| Summary/Abstract |
Researchers have shown how UN stabilization peace operations mix liberal and illiberal goals and strategies. Yet, further research is needed to theorize and comprehend illiberal peacebuilding features of stabilization operations. This article fills this gap by demonstrating how UN stabilization operations wield illiberal peacebuilding practices. Building upon previous scholarship, we understand illiberal peacebuilding both as an approach and outcome which is oriented by and helps diffuse illiberal norms in the societies where illiberal peacebuilding is instrumentalized by local, regional and international actors. We frame UN stabilization operations in the CAR, the DRC, and Mali as illiberal peacebuilding processes infused with illiberal strategies and show that liberal actors can engage with illiberal strategies for peace promotion. We also analyse peace agreements that accompany these missions as illiberal peacebuilding outcomes and show how these are shaped by illiberal norms. Our key finding is that a set of illiberal norms – exclusion, violence, power inequality and authoritarianism – are central for both UN stabilization operations and peace agreements signed in CAR, DRC and Mali. Therefore, we challenge the UN discourse that stabilization is a needed first step towards liberal and inclusive peace agreements.
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| 4 |
ID:
193895
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the circumstances under which the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adjust peace operations mandates to safeguard civilians during mass atrocities. Peacekeepers are usually deployed where civilians face threats from rebels and/or government forces. The literature shows that, with adequate numbers, peacekeepers effectively protect human lives. Additionally, the norms of Protection of Civilians (PoC) and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) create expectations that missions will be adjusted to protect individuals at grave risk. The paper evaluates cases where PKO were active during the occurrence of targeted mass killings (TMK), covering the years from 2006 to 2017. Using a qualitative mixed-methods approach, this study relies on the TMK dataset from the Australian National University and the Peacekeeping Mandates (PEMA) database to compare the timelines of PKO and spot whether mandates were changed after mass atrocities with new tasks to protect civilians. The paper also briefly assesses the case of South Sudan to evaluate the congruence between mass atrocity triggers and mandate adjustments. Our analysis aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the factors influencing the UNSC's decision-making process in adjusting peace operation mandates to protect civilians during mass atrocities and its limitations.
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