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| 1 |
ID:
193904
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study argues that minorities have higher in-group consciousness and adaptability developed through uneven interaction with the majority. Once migrated, their collective experiences are transferred to the country-of-residence with them, leading to higher civic and political integration in the country-of-residence than majority-migrants. Introducing a new civic and political integration model, it compares the majority and minority migrants from Turkey in the UK, by using ordinal logistic regression analyses. Findings show that Kurds are more involved in politics than Turks, however, they do not differ in terms of civic participation. Compared to Sunnis, Alevis feel more represented in the political system.
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| 2 |
ID:
193903
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| Summary/Abstract |
Feminist historiography on the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republican era treats female women’s rights advocates typically as merely activists or literary figures and rarely focuses on their intellectual property, which constitutes the origin of their theoretical contribution to and active struggle for women’s equality. The academic corpus on the two prominent figures of the era, Şükûfe Nihal and Nezihe Muhittin, follows this pattern and concentrates predominantly on their literary works or activism, leaving their intellectualism overshadowed. This article employs an innovative perspective and argues that they were genuine intellectuals first. The article uncovers the intellectual lenses behind their discourses and claims their views were embedded in the premises of Enlightenment thought, positivism and nationalism, which constituted the building blocks of their paradigms on feminism, gender equality and womanhood. Unearthing their ideal woman image in the early Turkish Republic rests on the methods of contextual deconstruction and textual analysis.
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| 3 |
ID:
193902
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the empowerment struggles of female shopkeepers in a district in Istanbul, focusing upon the creation of autonomous women’s space, the construction of entrepreneurial/occupational identity, and the concomitant strengthening of female bonds, particularly those between mothers and daughters. I argue that understanding women’s solidarity is essential for any assessment about how the hegemonic gender codes are reproduced, reconfigured, or challenged in the world of independent female small business owners. Even though the women in the study do not explicitly oppose the dominant gender discourse, their position-takings are often the key in setting the trajectory of the power struggles around the small business. Women’s empowerment in this context is a difficult, open-ended process whose outcome is dependent upon how they tackle with the ambivalent, often negative reactions of their male life partners as well as maintaining their commitment to their enterprising endeavor and to their ties with other women.
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| 4 |
ID:
193898
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a conceptualization for a type of governance that is based on the issue-specific capacity of a government and the barriers erected by this government on the public to access information. We argue that when a government cannot deliver satisfactory performance or lacks the necessary means to manage an issue, it may choose to obscure the reality through various means to hide its incompetence. In this way, the government conceals its poor performance. We look at Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party to exemplify our model, which has had to resort to what we call obscurantist governance.
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| 5 |
ID:
193900
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study aims to understand how ideologies become embedded in political projects through strategies of legitimation aimed at justifying specific ideas, beliefs, and emotions. By using the political negotiation between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People’s Party (CHP) concerning the Canal Istanbul Project as an illustrative example from Turkey to ‘ideology in action’, this article shows how various rhetorical combinations appeal to an analysis of ‘ideology at work’. Our analysis is based on 20 in-depth interviews with both opponents and supporters of the project, in addition to a comparison of two official websites providing scientific evidence from each party’s perspective. The results show that the two poles of the dispute aim to recruit more people as their political supporters by using their own scientific reports with claims that they are ‘objective’ and aspire for the benefit of Istanbul.
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| 6 |
ID:
193901
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| Summary/Abstract |
Under authoritarian neoliberalism, Turkey has seen the number of legal strikes plummet since the mid-1990s. Alongside deepening authoritarianism, the AKP government banned nearly all legal strikes in the 2010s. How have working-class protests fared against this bleak backdrop? Have workers become pliant victims of a repressive regime of accumulation? Or is there evidence of fight left in the Turkish working class? This article addresses these questions through protest event analysis (PEA) of an original dataset of working-class protests between 2015 and 2019. Workers are found to have managed to maintain a significant protest performance despite the increasingly authoritarian environment.
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| 7 |
ID:
193899
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article traces the raison d’être for Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. It draws upon two bodies of literature: international human rights regimes (IHRR) and authoritarian survival strategies. The Turkish government faced an electoral defeat in local elections 2019, which represented a serious challenge to the ruling party. To compensate for its loss of power and to consolidate its voter base, the government took some steps for its political survival. This article argues that the dynamics of the withdrawal from the Convention lay primarily behind the authoritarian survival strategies of centralization, legitimation, and repression, and secondarily behind the issue area of the Convention as an international human rights regime.
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