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| 1 |
ID:
074471
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| 2 |
ID:
127061
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2011, Australia communicated a clear choice about its strategic future. It would continue to cleave tightly to the US alliance, expand its military links and work to advance the USA's conception of regional order. Given its economic interests, why has Australia bound itself to the US alliance? What lies behind this strong commitment and what would it take for Australia to change its relationship with the USA? This article presents an analysis of the current state of the US-Australia alliance and argues that Canberra's pursuit of close relations with the USA reflects the interaction of a rational calculation of the costs and benefits of the alliance with a set of resolutely political factors that have produced the current policy setting. The article first assesses the security cost and benefit behind the alliance. It then argues that the move also derives from the strong domestic support for the US alliance, a sharpened sense that China's rise was generating regional instability that only the US primacy could manage and the realisation that the economic fallout of such a move would be minimal. It concludes with a brief reflection on what it might take to change the current policy settings.
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| 3 |
ID:
106468
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| 4 |
ID:
023751
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| Publication |
London, Cambridge University Press, 1983.
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| Description |
viii, 344p.
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| Standard Number |
0521244145
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021992 | 322.5095694/PER 021992 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
050152
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New Delhi, Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, 1997.
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| Description |
227p.Paperback
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039148 | 551.467/SIN 039148 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
089144
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The China-US relationship is one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world, and it is progressively maturing. Non-traditional security threats are expanding the shared interests of China and the US. The two countries have developed more realistic views of each other than they had decades ago, and this is making military relations more practical. The two are also interdependent in the economic realm, whether they like it or not, and therefore must work together to succeed in handling the current economic crisis. Connected to this economic challenge is that of climate change, an issue which the US must handle wisely in its relations with China. In addition, traditional security and peace issues will remain important, some even sensitive and difficult, in relations in the near future. The improved relationship towards which China and the US are moving will contribute substantially not only to bilateral relations but also to global peace and order.
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| 7 |
ID:
034754
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California, Sage Publications, 1974.
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| Description |
82p.
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Sage professional papers
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| Standard Number |
0803904789
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015894 | 327.117/PFI 015894 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
131132
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Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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| Description |
xiii, 207p.Hbk
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| Contents |
B
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| Standard Number |
9781107027244
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057780 | 355.031/BEN 057780 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
177644
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the US and Chinese security relationship has been
tense for over three decades, the last three years has seen it
slide into acute crisis. The two countries are in a full-blown
security dilemma, going after each other’s “core interests,”
using their alliances and partnerships to attempt to weaken
or restrain the other, and pushing aside confidence-building measures designed to help manage the competitive
relationship. Before deriving new policy measures that can
foster habits of cooperation between the two countries, the
United States and China must create a new strategic consensus around which the bilateral security relationship can be
defined
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| 10 |
ID:
027909
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London, Frank Cass, 1980.
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| Description |
xvii, 369p.Hbk
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| Series |
Studies in Commonwealth Politics and History
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| Standard Number |
0714630950
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019296 | 909.0971241/DEC 019296 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
137800
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THE EMERGENCE OF FRANCE AS THE GENDARME OF AFRICA goes back to the 1960s and the independence of its African colonies. Unlike other European colonial powers, such as the United Kingdom, France was faced late with decolonization and, most of all, wished to maintain an exclusive influence over its former colonial empire. French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa disappeared, but France sought to maintain privileged and lasting political, cultural, economic, and military relations with the former colonies. The new African regimes would receive military and technical assistance from France in return for backing its international policies. Paris thus established a type of nested neocolonial association with these sub-Saharan states of limited sovereignty. This defined France's pré carré in Africa, its area of exclusive action.
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| 12 |
ID:
128243
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It was a remarkable sight, on this sunny day of 26 August 1944: the patrician figure of Charles de Gaulle leading the victory parade down the Champs-Élysées following the evacuation of the French capital by the German occupier.1 The triumphal march under the acclaims of the Paris citizenry was symbolic of the dominant position the general had assumed in the Gouvernement provisoire de la République française. As provisional head of state and the dominant military figure in France, he was in a position of unprecedented power for a French army officer, at least since Napoleon Bonaparte had proclaimed himself First Consul in 1799. De Gaulle indeed held near-dictatorial powers as he set about rebuilding France at home and restoring control over her colonial empire. Nevertheless, he would resign less than two years later when faced with fierce opposition by established political figures disagreeing with his proposed constitution for a new republic.
Thus created in 1946 through the peaceful transfer of power from a quasi military supremo to a legitimately elected government, only to come to an ignominious end in 1958 under the threat of a military coup during the darkest days of the Algerian War of Independence, the short-lived French Fourth Republic experienced the full spectrum of civil-military relations (CMR). This episode provides a dramatic test case to measure the validity of any given CMR theory as it encompassed such a wide range of well-documented events focused on the very essence of the problematic, explaining civil society's relationship with the military organization established to protect it.2 One such theory seeks to measure a fundamental element of that equation, trying to answer the challenging question of '[w]hy will a military intervene in its own nation's system of government' by outlining the 'conditions [that] promote or inhibit domestic military intervention'.3 Scholar Rebecca Schiff proposed such a model nearly two decades ago, seeking to alleviate the alleged shortcomings of more established theories largely derived from the experience of the United States and often limited to arguments concerned with the separation of civil and military institutions.4
She posited instead that her theory of concordance 'considers the unique historical and cultural experiences of nations' and 'moves beyond institutional analysis by addressing issues relevant to a nation's culture'.5 This paper seeks to measure the validity of such a premise through the study of civil-military relations under the French Fourth Republic. This approach will require the reader initially to understand the evolution of CMR in France through the trauma of military defeat in 1940 and the rise of de Gaulle as well as the circumstances that led to the instauration of the Fourth Republic. It will then become necessary to evaluate the influence of successive challenges overseas, first in Indochina and then in Algeria, to establish the legitimacy of the concordance theory as civil-military relations came to a nadir in France. First, though, one must clearly comprehend the foundations of Schiff's theory in order to adequately judge its validity through the proposed case study.
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| 13 |
ID:
112499
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| 14 |
ID:
074209
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| 15 |
ID:
074210
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| 16 |
ID:
121151
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is often a perception put forth of a fight for supremacy between China and the USA. This is often the case when discussing the continent of Africa. Both countries have recently increased their involvement in Africa for a variety of reasons. In 2011, China surpassed the USA as Africa's largest trading partner, with Africa predicted to be Beijing's largest trading partner by 2017. As expected, their bilateral and multilateral defence cooperation with strategic countries and organisations has matured and expanded along with it. Washington's own economic interests, al-Qa'ida and threats to maritime security are some of the crucial elements behind the US's presence on the continent. This article analyses both the USA and China's rising defence involvement in Africa. It compares and contrasts their similarities and differences, and argues that cooperation in certain areas can prove beneficial for all parties involved.
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| 17 |
ID:
133697
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Aimed at improving relations with Myanmar's ruling junta, as it was also becoming clear that the pro-democracy movement would not achieve power within the foreseeable future. SLORC regime. Within the government, there were already strong protests from many of the military, intelligence, and foreign ministry officials against the policy of supporting the democracy movement and side-lining the junta regime at the cost of national interest.
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| 18 |
ID:
048536
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Knowledge world, 1998.
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| Description |
210p.
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| Standard Number |
8186019138
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 040340 | 327.54073/MAH 040340 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
090007
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
An analysis of NATO, EU, and OSCE foreign policy objectives and other aims in the Central Asia Region* shows that, due to its special military and strategic position and vast raw hydrocarbon supplies, this region has been in the focus of the above organizations' attention for many years now. The interest of these international structures in the region is aroused by the fact that over the past 15 years this extensive area of Asia has become a vital link in the system of international military-political and economic trade relations. It borders on two regional zones of lingering instability - Afghanistan and Iraq. The West also sees Central Asia as a lever for controlling the situation in the neighboring Middle East, where Iran is located, as well as in nearby South Asia, where two next-door nuclear powers - India and Pakistan - have still not fully normalized their relations and are continuing to build up their nuclear missile arsenal.
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| 20 |
ID:
131166
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japanese defence minister Itsunori Onodera on 27 May reiterated Tokyo's call to establish an emergency hotline between the Japan self defence forces (JSDF) and China's people liberation army after two Chinese fighters came within a few dozen meters of two JSDF aircraft: an incident he described as extremely dangerous.
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