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| 1 |
ID:
074088
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This report looks at major trends shown by Israel’s March 2006 elections, despite the lowest voter turnout in the country’s history (fueled by disgust at corruption). Most important, the resounding defeat of the Likud and the Right in favor of the “center” confirmed a shift in political culture away from the Greater Israel ideology and permanent preemptive war against terrorism (i.e., the Palestinians) and the emergence of a broad consensus on unilateral separation (not peace), seen as the guarantor of security and normalcy. Also discussed are the early hopes raised by Amir Peretz’s election as Labor party head (and his subsequent domestication), the return of a certain discourse of social justice after years of uncontested neo-liberalism, and the durability of the “community” or ethnic vote. The letter ends with a look at coalition politics in Israel and the formation of the new government.
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| 2 |
ID:
092507
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| 3 |
ID:
124248
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study looks at Chinese homeowners' participation in policymaking. Drawing on evidence from Guangzhou and Beijing, it shows that various organised homeowner activists have moved upstream in the policy process and have begun to push beyond policy implementation into the domain of agenda setting and "rule-making". These advocates display rights-conscious patterns of behaviour that are closer to that of interest or lobby groups than to the typical repertoire of Chinese contentious citizens. The study suggests that this kind of political participation is on the rise amongst Chinese homeowner activists. This result complements and extends other recent findings that suggest the Chinese policy process is gradually opening up. Such a trend could have significant implications and calls for more research in different domains of state-society relations.
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| 4 |
ID:
029390
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| Publication |
New York, Free Press., 1970.
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| Description |
xix, 263p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005754 | 324.4091713/DIP 005754 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
114084
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Spatial distribution is an important dimension of research into the development of high technology (hi-tech) industries due to the knowledgeintensive features of these industries. This paper separates the agglomeration effects and the spillover effects, and analyzes the evolution of the spatial distribution of China's hi-tech sub-industries from themid-1990s by combining the geographic concentration index (locational Gini coefficient, concentration ratio) and spatial econometrics (Moran's I). The results reveal that, firstly, most hi-tech subindustries tend to be concentrated in the eastern coastal regions of China, while there are significant spillover effects from the eastern coastal regions to the central regions. The development model based on national hi-tech industrial zones is the primary reason for industrial agglomeration, and it is the result of both government direction andmarket rules. Secondly, on the macro-level, there has been a certain amount of geographical concentration and interregional division of labor among China's hi-tech industries, but there is low intraregional specialization. Furthermore, in contrast to the findings of most of previous studies, the distribution ofChina's hi-tech industries and that of its innovation capacity share similar evolutionary trends, although they do not completely overlap.
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| 6 |
ID:
121028
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2012.
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Many studies of interracial differences in rates of political participation pay too little attention to African Americans' perceptions of whether they can freely participate in politics. Survey evidence collected over the last several decades has consistently shown that black Americans perceive much less political freedom available to them than do white Americans. The gap in perceived freedom has narrowed somewhat in recent years but remains large. Following the empowerment hypothesis of Lawrence Bobo and Franklin Gilliam, black perceptions of freedom increased with the election of Barack Obama to the American presidency. But perhaps unexpectedly, the empowerment bonus has not persisted, especially among conservative and fundamentalist blacks. Because African Americans do not perceive that their government would permit various types of political action, it is likely that substantial interracial differences exist in non-voting types of political participation, especially political action directed against governmental authority.
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| 7 |
ID:
073376
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| 8 |
ID:
170185
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This study examines the effects of social embeddedness on interest in politics and electoral behaviour using data from a nationally representative survey conducted shortly after the 2011 presidential election in Kyrgyzstan. We find that interest in politics is positively associated with community trust, public sector employment and a sense of national belonging. Controlling for the effects of interest in politics, community trust and public sector employment are also positively associated with voting in this election, whereas evidence on ethno-cultural inclusion is mixed. These findings highlight the role of social embeddedness in political participation in young post-communist democracies.
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| 9 |
ID:
102881
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| 10 |
ID:
102935
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the Islamische Zeitung (IZ), a newspaper made by German Muslims for German Muslims that informs about political, cultural, and theological topics. I argue that beyond providing information, the paper aims to create a platform of debate for a growing group of, in particular, younger pious educated Muslims who examine current politics by way of an Islamic and also an anti-globalization perspective. Of relevance for this audience are Islamic knowledge, local and global politics, everyday religious concerns and practices, and cultural affairs. I illustrate how by discussing certain topics on its pages, the makers of the IZ support specific issues of debates among some pious individuals, such as for example the participation of pious Muslims (men and women) in the democratic process by way of running in elections. Finally I argue that the IZ seeks to link the German Muslim community to the context of the global ummah and here in particular the globalized ummah as a new community marked by a shared popular culture universe. I illustrate that contrary to the claims of some of its opponents, the IZ is a platform for German Muslim affairs that participates in the broader public sphere as much as it helps to mediate a variety of possibilities for the participation of individuals and communities.
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| 11 |
ID:
118231
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article I argue that there is a significant generational shift within British Pakistani communities in relation to political participation and civic engagement. Using George Galloway's March 2012 by-election victory in Bradford West and an analysis of primary empirical research conducted amongst British Pakistani communities between 2005-2007, and, 2011, I argue that kinship-based bloc voting-a feature of British Pakistani political engagement in UK politics-is being challenged. A younger generation of British Pakistanis want politicians to engage with them as individuals rather than politicians assuming their votes through co-opting Pakistani community elders in a system of patronage politics, an arrangement which has been in place since mass immigration from the subcontinent in the 1950s and 60s.
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| 12 |
ID:
145742
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Since the mid-2000s, the Chinese government has promoted village modernization under the banner of “building a new socialist countryside.” To explain the origins and outcomes of this policy, this article examines the case of Ganzhou city in Jiangxi province. Ganzhou became a national model for rural development known for involving organizations called peasant councils in policy implementation. The study found that despite an initial emphasis on rural participation and moderate change, the new socialist countryside evolved into a top-down campaign to demolish and reconstruct villages. Three factors shaped this process: the strength of bureaucratic mobilization, the weakness of rural organizations, and shifting national policy priorities. After obtaining model status, Ganzhou's rural policy became more ambitious and politicized, leaving little space for participation. This insight suggests there are both benefits and costs to China's policy process. Despite the advantages of policy innovation, scaling up local experiments may actually undermine their success.
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| 13 |
ID:
115498
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Polity Press, 2012.
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| Description |
xxii,205p.
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| Standard Number |
9780754660905
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056864 | 363.700951/SHA 056864 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
162661
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| Summary/Abstract |
A growing body of research explores the influence of involuntary criminal justice contact on political participation, demonstrating that all types of contact weaken political participation. We posit, however, that personal connections to civil society organizations (CSOs) moderate the negative effects of involuntary criminal justice contact on political participation, particularly political activism beyond registering to vote and voting. We test this proposition with individual-level and aggregate-level data from metropolitan and municipal Chicago. Our findings confirm a paradox of participation by custodial citizens. One, we demonstrate positive, statistically significant, and substantive effects of personal connections to CSOs on nonvoting political participation by custodial citizens. Two, the negative effects of involuntary criminal justice contact on voting participation among individuals and communities may endure, despite personal connections to CSOs, even in a state where the franchise is restored immediately after incarceration. Our study suggests that an associational account of political participation deepens our understanding of the political behavior of custodial citizens and their communities in the age of mass incarceration.
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| 15 |
ID:
049930
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
xiii, 370 p.
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| Standard Number |
0521527872
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047367 | 303.380973/ALT 047367 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
090251
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Letters to the editor are an important but poorly understood form of voluntary political participation. To learn more about the content of letters to the editor and the characteristics of the people who write them we conducted a content analysis of 1,415 randomly selected printed letters from eight newspapers from 2002 to 2005. We also matched the letter writers from our sample to demographic and political information contained in a state voterfile.
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| 17 |
ID:
129652
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since its independence in 1971, Bangladesh has experienced tumultuous times. The country endured prolonged military rule from 1975 to 1990, but democratic aspirations have defined the course of its politics. In the past four decades, Bangladesh has experimented with various systems of governance, including one party presidential rule and, currently, a multiparty parliamentary system, having returned to parliamentary democracy in 1991. Bangladesh has demonstrated favorable elements of democracy, such as high levels of political participation, a plethora of political parties, a growing middle class, a vibrant civil society, and periodic elections. Yet the nation has undergone repeated reversals of democratic gains, thanks to civilian authoritarianism and military dictatorship. The polity has suffered from an absence
of strong institutions to ensure the rule of law, accountability, and transparency in governance.
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| 18 |
ID:
064394
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2005.
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| Description |
xii, 264p.
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| Standard Number |
0415343909
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049869 | 337.16/ESC 049869 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
122517
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research examines whether public political participation in Taiwan is influenced by people's interactive relations and social environments. In contrast to the "sociodemographic factor" and "political mobilization" approaches used in previous studies of political participation, this paper's theoretical structure is that of "cross-cutting networks." It analyzes the influence exerted by social network "cross-pressures" on voters' engagement in political activities and their likelihood of voting in the 2010 mayoral elections in Taipei, Kaohsiung, and Taichung cities. The study uses national survey data to test the association between cross-cutting networks and political participation. The methodology adopted includes cross-tabulation analyses, ordered logit model, and logit model. The findings reveal that people in cross-cutting networks involving greater political disagreement are less likely to participate in politics while individuals engaging in homogeneous social interactions and under low-level cross-pressure are predisposed to participate more actively in politics.
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| 20 |
ID:
049837
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| Publication |
Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
vii, 225p.
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| Standard Number |
0748613994
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047351 | 321.8014/BAR 047351 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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