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| 1 |
ID:
131521
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article revisits the official culture of the early khedivate through a microhistory of the first modern Egyptian theater in Arabic. Based on archival research, it aims at a recalibration of recent scholarship by showing khedivial culture as a complex framework of competing patriotisms. It analyzes the discourse about theater in the Arabic press, including the journalist Muhammad Unsi's call for performances in Arabic in 1870. It shows that the realization of this idea was the theater group led by James Sanua between 1871 and 1872, which also performed ?Abd al-Fattah al-Misri's tragedy. But the troupe was not an expression of subversive nationalism, as has been claimed by scholars. My historical reconstruction and my analysis of the content of Sanua's comedies show loyalism toward the Khedive Ismail. Yet his form of contemporary satire was incompatible with elite cultural patriotism, which employed historicization as its dominant technique. This revision throws new light on a crucial moment of social change in the history of modern Egypt, when the ruler was expected to preside over the plural cultural bodies of the nation.
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| 2 |
ID:
180754
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| 3 |
ID:
077354
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2007.
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This article examines the role of contemporary art in a post-9/11 context through The American Effect exhibition at the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York in 2003. This exhibition displayed a range of artworks from around the world that specifically engaged with, commented upon and interrogated the USA's pre-eminent position as a global superpower. In the politically charged climate after 9/11, the exhibition offered itself as a critical voice amid the more obvious patriotic clamour: it was one of the places where Americans could ask (and answer) the question, `Why do they hate us so much?' Although The American Effect claimed to be a space of dissent, it ultimately failed to question, let alone challenge, US global hegemony. Instead, the exhibition articulated a benevolent patriotism that forced artwork from other nations into supplicating and abject positions, and it obscured the complex discursive networks that connect artists, curators, critics, audiences and art museums
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| 4 |
ID:
183985
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This articles examines the countenance of patriotism and its tendencies among young and mature pre-service teachers during their apprenticeship at school. In order to answer the research questions, we applied mixed methods, both qualitative and quantitative. Our findings show that both the younger and the older students believe that patriotic content should be included in the curriculum. Yet younger students defined patriotism as mere ‘connection’ to the country while the older students defined patriotism in more emotional terms, showing more intense attachment to the country.
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| 5 |
ID:
118216
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What are the threats to politics fifty years after the publication of Bernard Crick's classic In Defence of Politics? The chief danger lies in the forces of globalisation and the eclipse of the national state as the locus of political life. It is the hope of many in both Europe and the US that we might replace the basic structure of the sovereign state with a variety of postnational forms of organisation such as the UN or the EU. What are the forces behind these developments? Are we entering a world beyond politics increasingly administered by international law courts and tribunals no longer responsible to their national electorates? The possibility cannot be ruled out, but such a world, I suggest, would no longer be a political world.
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| 6 |
ID:
131688
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| 7 |
ID:
100589
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2010.
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The Druze of Israel constitute a very unique community within the pluralistic, though Jewish-dominated, social map of the country. Their religious heritage and ethnic integrity set them apart, even while they have participated in the political and military domains in close affiliation with the Jewish population. Through research and analysis, a picture emerges of Druze solidarity with the Zionist ethos, as they simultaneously distance themselves from the Arab and Islamic themes resonant among the Israeli-Arab sector of society. The tiny Druze group prioritizes while balancing its allegiances, vigorously defends its interests, and campaigns for improved socio-economic conditions in the complexity of their minority experience in the state of Israel. The paradoxes of Druze life, simultaneously loyal to state and community, present an intricate picture of perseverance, patriotism, and patience in Israel.
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| 8 |
ID:
179225
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The authors analyze the reasons for Russia's failures in the information confrontation with falsifiers of the Great Patriotic War and make proposals for improving work in this area, including through refining the educational process, using the experience of political organs, and improving the system of military patriotic education.
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| 9 |
ID:
160602
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HISTORICAL EVENTS frequently have consequences that their architects would never have predicted. It is paradoxical, but thanks to the revolutionary events of October 1917 and the subsequent dispersion of Russians around the world, the Russian reader has now acquired a most interesting collection of diaries, memoirs, and correspondence - a unique worldwide emigre archive library.
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| 10 |
ID:
108400
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2011.
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This paper examines how an ethnic Miao uprising in West Hunan in 1937 became the site for the interaction of a broad range of competing local, provincial, and national interests. The target of the uprising was a tuntian system formed from confiscated Miao lands in the early nineteenth century to support a military system defending against Miao disturbances. Surviving anachronistically into the twentieth century, the military land rents of this system formed a base for warlord power on Hunan's western frontier. The uprising arose opportunistically in the context of a struggle over the resources of this system between the warlord of West Hunan and a provincial governor whose provincial state-building project sought to end the region's long political autonomy. The uprising consequently drew the attention of Nationalist Party factions who saw it as an opportunity to use the uprising to undermine the provincial governor in the interest of their own centralizing state-building project. Finally, the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War allowed uprising leaders to recast the uprising as a patriotic movement, seeking equality for the Miao of West Hunan by the abolition of the tuntian system and offering the mobilization of uprising forces for service at the front once this goal was achieved. In the end, the uprising functioned as a palimpsest upon which the multiple motivations and desires of its participants, in their broad social, political and personal contexts, were written and overwritten.
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| 11 |
ID:
188494
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TODAY, amid events unfolding in and around Ukraine that are pivotal to Russia and the entire world order, we hear more and more that "our strength is in truth" and "our cause is just." They are pronounced as a given, as something that requires no explanation, because they are part of our spiritual code. Today, we increasingly hear that Russia needs a national idea. The fact that the ideas of truth, a just cause, and patriotism resonate in our minds much louder during critical periods of Russia's history requires no explanation. This happened on the fateful day of June 22, 1941: "Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours!"
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| 12 |
ID:
151056
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This article investigates the influence and limitations of American democracy promotion in South Korea by analyzing various texts produced by different ideological groups during the 1950s. Americans promoted diverse concepts of democracy, including anti-Communist, institutional, individualistic, nation-centered, and life-centered notions. The diversified programs and channels of the U.S. information service, while contributing to the wide dissemination of democracy, allowed greater room for Koreans to interpret and use them for their own agendas. Exploring various texts produced by different groups, I find that, while “American” ideas were crucial sources of reference, they were often transformed or used only in part. Different Korean groups developed their own democratic ideas by referring to various “American” democratic concepts. Furthermore, Koreans not only used democratic ideas, but also drew from post-colonial nationalist discourses and their own sense of patriotism.
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| 13 |
ID:
025638
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| Publication |
London, Unwin Hyman, 1989.
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| Description |
xii, 279p.
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| Standard Number |
0044451873
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030273 | 355.02/SHA 030273 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
114096
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between globalisation and national identity is puzzling. While some observers have found that globalisation reduces people's identification with their nation, others have reached the opposite conclusion. This article explores this conundrum by examining the relationship between globalisation and people's feelings towards national identity. Using data from the International Social Survey Program National Identity II () and the World Values Survey (), it analyses these relations across sixty-three countries. Employing a multilevel approach, it investigates how a country's level of globalisation is related to its public perceptions towards different dimensions of national identity. The results suggest that a country's level of globalisation is not related to national identification or nationalism but it is related negatively to patriotism, the willingness to fight for the country and ethnic conceptions of membership in the nation. An examination of alternative explanations indicates that globalisation has a distinct impact on national identity.
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| 15 |
ID:
102604
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will explore and analyze the life and times of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (1834-1898) who was a self-made man who went on to become Iran's first major entrepreneur and the richest man in Iran. He started life in poverty and obscurity and ended his days in wealth and prominence. His rise to social and economic importance was so meteoric that it became the stuff of legends blending the myth and the reality of his life. He was a visionary with progressive ideas beyond his time. His world view was formed partly by his experiences in childhood and early life but beyond that by his own perspicacity. His cosmos was governed by his devotion to and responsibility for his family both nuclear and extended, by his deep religious belief, by patriotism and by the ambition to succeed in business. The article will investigate all of the above.
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| 16 |
ID:
032364
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
Pathankot, Ajaya Prakashan, 1978.
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| Description |
218p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017979 | 954.603/CHA 017979 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
152628
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This paper tries to explore the significant contribution of Odia people to the efforts of INA in the freedom struggle of India. The Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauz) of Netaji Subhas consisted of many Odia soldiers. The Odia soldiers had displayed their uncommon heroism as an integral part of the Indian National Army of Subhas. This marks perhaps the most significant event in the annals of India’s fight for independence.
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| 18 |
ID:
111949
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2012.
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AT ALL TIMES, the Cossacks have been and remain an inalienable part of the Russian state, its history, culture and spiritual values. Since time immemorial, the Cossacks preserved and multiplied their glorious traditions: patriotism, courage, and faith in God and the Russian people.
Leo Tolstoy said in his time that the entire history of Russia had been made by the Cossacks. It was thanks to their efforts that the state was spreading far and wide; they came to the newly acquired lands to settle them and start new towns; they protected the borders against numerous enemies of Russia's. Their foreign marches fortified Russia's international positions; the glory of the Cossacks and their valor echoed in Paris, Persia and in the Balkans.
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| 19 |
ID:
182588
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Observers of East Asia frequently claim that Japanese nationalism is on the rise, and that Tokyo is abandoning its longtime military restraint. To determine whether these trends are indeed occurring, we define and measure Japan's nationalism and military assertiveness; we measure whether they are rising relative to Japan in the past, and relative to seven other countries.
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| 20 |
ID:
116546
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