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| 1 |
ID:
099602
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| 2 |
ID:
030253
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| Publication |
Boulder, Westview Press, 1979.
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| Description |
xx, 379p.
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| Series |
Westview special studies in west European politics and society
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| Standard Number |
0891583084
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020151 | 335.43094/COM 020151 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
045058
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| Publication |
New York, John Wiley and Sons, 1968.
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| Description |
vii, 216p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000847 | 320.532/KAU 000847 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
071707
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| Publication |
2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Decentralization of state power over media ownership led to new challenges for state control of media content in the 1980s. Following the Chinese Communist Party's legitimacy crisis after Tiananmen, party leaders in charge of China's public media permitted greater freedom for news content deemed politically "safe," while maintaining tight control over politically sensitive news content. In order to supplement coercive strategies, the state developed market incentives to encourage media to produce news that was politically acceptable and popular with consumers. To test the extent to which commercial media have complied with the state's content priorities, this article considers evidence from a case study on news coverage of the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), an epidemic seen by the party as threatening to regime legitimacy. The SARS case study reveals that in the presence of tremendous market demand for information, state control of the news media was considerable but not absolute.
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| 5 |
ID:
030276
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan, 1978.
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| Description |
ix, 144p.
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| Standard Number |
0333256778
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017981 | 320.5323094/GOD 017981 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
155432
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that Eurocommunism was an unwanted consequence of détente. By relaxing tensions between the superpowers, détente allayed fears of a communist threat in Western Europe and gave communist parties more leeway to choose a semi-independent course that nearly brought them to power in Italy and France.
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| 7 |
ID:
045116
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| Publication |
London, Hutchinson, 1978.
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| Description |
viii,165p.
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| Standard Number |
009141900
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019108 | 320.53209046/SET 019108 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
050615
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| Publication |
London, I. B. Tauris, 2004.
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| Description |
xi, 379p.
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| Standard Number |
1850434077
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047723 | 324.175/WOR 047723 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
105705
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Coalition governments in established democracies incur, on average, an electoral 'cost of governing'. This cost varies across coalition partners, and is higher for anti-political-establishment parties. This is because, if such a party participates in a coalition, it loses the purity of its message by being seen to cooperate with the political establishment. In order to demonstrate that anti-political-establishment parties suffer an additional cost of governing, this article builds on the work by Van der Brug et al. and refines the standard cost of governing theory by 'bringing the party back in'. The results of the analyses, based on 594 observations concerning 51 parties in seven Western European countries, cast doubt on the conventional concept of a cost of governing that pertains to all parties equally. The findings call for a major revision of the standard cost of governing literature, while adding a significant contribution to the debate on strategies against parties that may constitute a danger to democracy.
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| 10 |
ID:
040853
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| Publication |
New York, Cornell University Press, 1968.
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| Description |
xiv, 265p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002524 | 320.53230944/BRO 002524 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
041785
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| Publication |
Hong Kong, China viewpoints, 1957.
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| Description |
42p
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 003078 | 324.2175/CHI 003078 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
026341
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| Publication |
Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1981.
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| Description |
xii, 163p.
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| Standard Number |
0631125256
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020814 | 327.4073/EDE 020814 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
085293
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contextualizes the emergence of the Chinese claim over the historical ownership of Koguryo in the politics of historiography in China. Contemporary Chinese historiography from which the Chinese state and populace draw core identities has never been fully fixed or stabilized. Regardless of the temporal distance from the present, Chinese pasts are continuously constructed and re-memorized based on contemporary sociopolitical needs. Compared to the pre-reform eras, broadened social spaces in China have made the Chinese Communist Party's monopoly over historiography untenable. In that sense, the future of East Asian regional order or Sino-Korean relations is highly unpredictable, if not unstable, due to the continuously changing Chinese national identity. With radical nationalization of China's imperial past, the next generation in China may favor actions to alter the status quo. National and state identities informed by "historical facts" are hardly negotiable or changeable.
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| 14 |
ID:
073562
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Liao Zhengzhi, the late director of the Office of Hong Kong and Macau Affairs, once said that on the resumption of Hong Kong's sovereignty, Hong Kong needed only to change the flag and British governor. While the press was full of doomsday prophecies about Hong Kong's future, there was a camp of "super-paradox" theorists who genuinely believed that Hong Kong's status quo would not change after the handover. The authoritarian one party-dominated PRC, they asserted, could absorb a free-flowing Hong Kong without changing the nature of an open society. Contrary to doomsday prophets and "super-paradox" theorists, this article argues that while the doomsday prophecy was groundless, important institutional changes did take place even though they were barely noticed. It is argued, by using the example of the legislation of Article 23, that a gradual approach has been adopted by the Chinese Communist Party to change the fundamentals of Hong Kong's polity, a strategy that I call "Leninist integration."
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| 15 |
ID:
085297
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political system in North Korea has been characterized as a "Suryong Dominant Party-State System." Since the mid-1980s, however, its political system has displayed two interesting aspects. Formally, the broad "Suryong System" has been maintained; in practice, however, the Workers' Party of Korea, the Korean People's Army, and the government have come to acquire respectively different and considerably strengthened roles. Under this new regime, Kim Jong Il Suryong directly rules over the party, the government, and the military. Meanwhile, the political-ideological base, the military base, and the economic base are administered respectively by the party, the army, and the government. Interestingly, while the power of the party still overwhelms that of the military and the government, the party's means of influence has changed from giving direct orders to providing provisions or encouraging policy outlines
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