|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
086170
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
In early September 2008 Rodric Braithwaite travelled to Afghanistan to 'see some of the places (Herat, Pandsher, Salang), talk to some Afghans, and check on the stories my Russian contacts (who go back there all the time) tell me about the positive attitude the Afghans now have towards the Russians'. He kept notes as a record for his own use, and to send back to his family on a daily basis to reassure them that he hadn't been kidnapped. He kindly shared them with Survival, and we present a version abridged to fit the available space. Braithwaite did not meet the kind of people that official visitors to Afghanistan usually meet. He drew a number of conclusions from his conversations:
First, the common belief among Afghans that they were better off under the Russians, and that the last Communist President Najibullah was a better leader than Karzai, may not reflect historical reality; but it bodes ill for the coalition's overall aims. Secondly, the Russian effort in Afghanistan was frustrated above all by their inability to control the frontier with Pakistan: a task which may well turn out to be even harder for the coalition. Thirdly, although the Russians were not defeated militarily in Afghanistan, any more than the Americans were in Vietnam, both the Russians and the Americans failed entirely to achieve their political objectives. The British, by contrast, who ended their nineteenth-century Afghan wars with military victory, sensibly settled for their minimum objective: a monopoly of Afghan foreign policy, which lasted for 80 years. There are no such simple options available today. Finally, there is no certainty that the proposed surge in coalition forces will stabilise the country: the analogy with Iraq is just as false as the earlier analogy between the prospects for democracy in Iraq and what happened in Germany and Japan after 1945.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
095515
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
091280
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
The name "Paul V. McNutt" may bring several things to mind for historians of American politics and diplomacy. Some will remember his ill-fated quest to succeed Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) in the White House in 1940 or his two stints as U.S. high commissioner to the Philippine Islands during the 1930s and 1940s. Others will recall his governorship of Indiana, from 1933 to 1937, when he implemented a succession of New Deal-like policies while constructing a potent political machine for the Democratic party. Still others might stress his sending of National Guard troops to restore order in strike-torn Terre Haute, Indiana, in 1935. Ironically enough, there was another side to the powerful governor reviled during the 1930s by organized labor as the Hoosier Hitler.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
023767
|
|
|
Publication |
New York, St. John's University, 1981.
|
Description |
lxi, 978p.Hbk
|
Contents |
Abridge edition by Chun-Ming Chang
|
Standard Number |
087075259
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
026896 | 923.151249/FUR 026896 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
044015
|
China
/ Mitchison, Lois
|
1966
|
|
|
Publication |
London, Thames and Hudson, 1966.
|
Description |
232p.: ill., mapshbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
000571 | 951/MIT 000571 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
084149
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
105022
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
106605
|
|
|
Publication |
2011.
|
Summary/Abstract |
The launch of the Western Union in 1948 and the creation of the NATO Information Service in 1950 were important steps in the coordination of the Western response to Soviet and Soviet-inspired propaganda campaigns. By examining how the British Information Research Department worked closely with the International Organizations Division of the CIA in shaping the foundation and early activities of these intergovernmental agencies, this article offers new insight into the role of national information agencies within international organizations and contributes to explaining why, in the early Cold War, the West struggled to produce a coherent and fully coordinated propaganda response to communism.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
099457
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
091043
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
During the 1950s, Stalinist planners (whose modest slogan was "We order the wind when to blow, the rain when to fall!") wanted to flip the direction of several voluminous north-flowing rivers of Western Siberia (Irtysh, Ob, Yenisei) and use them to change the Soviet Central Asia into an irrigated communist paradise. Fortunately, Stalin died and Khrushchev had other problems, but before 1960, the megaproject propensities of the Soviet experts working in Mao's China left a deep imprint on China's water engineers. Soviet experts helped plan a number of audacious water projects but only one, the first dam across the Huanghe, or Yellow River, at Sanmenxia, was completed before their withdrawal. The dam turned out to be a major disaster, and the rapid silting of the reservoir was solved years later only by creating large outlets at the dam's bottom and drastically reducing its electricity-generating capacity.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
11 |
ID:
091459
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
U.S. policymakers can no longer afford to ignore Southeast Asia. The United States should use trade, aid, and education to alleviate poverty and prevent terrorism in the region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
12 |
ID:
092214
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Singur in West Bengal's Hooghly district became a household name across India when in May 2006 the state's Left Front government (LFG) announced that it would be the future location for the Tata small-car project. Here Tata Motors planned to produce the Tata Nano, the world's cheapest car, priced at only one lakh rupees. First, though, approximately 1,000 acres of agricultural land had to be acquired in Singur under the Land Acquisition Act of 1894.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
13 |
ID:
187286
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
As a means to resolve the Tribal Question in India, the centrality of the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Indian Constitution is widely acknowledged. However, their final incorporation, despite intense nationalist opposition in the run-up to Indian Independence, remains historically unexplained. This article addresses this lacuna by reconstructing the circumstances under which the Indian National Congress came to accept scheduling as a viable method of providing protection to tribal communities. This strategic shift can be explained as a result of combined political pressures generated by communist-led tribal movements and a steadily mounting challenge heralded by a new stream of educated middle-class tribal activists in eastern India. Foremost among the latter was Jaipal Singh Munda who mobilized a large constituency of supporters demanding a separate province of Jharkhand. Taken together, there is enough evidence to prove that in the period 1937–1950, the tribes were not silent and their collective agency had a deep impact on the constitution-making process. Finally, the article argues that this period witnessed a significant change in the character of the Congress as erstwhile freedom-fighters turned into ruling elites.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
14 |
ID:
029745
|
|
|
Publication |
New York, Herper and Row Publishers, 1970.
|
Description |
vi, 210pHbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
007220 | 944.08/TIN 007220 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
15 |
ID:
040412
|
|
|
Publication |
New Delhi, Committee Against the admission of communist China to the United Nations., n.d..
|
Description |
7p.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
001560 | 327.51/TYA 001560 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
16 |
ID:
091466
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Forget the hairdos and the funny suits. Kim Jong II is no madman. We don't have access to his shrink, of course, but there's absolutely no evidence to suggest that he's irrational.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
17 |
ID:
101338
|
|
|
Publication |
2010.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the Marxist characteristics of North Korea in its interpretation of human rights. The author's main argument is that many Marxist features pre-existed in Korea. Complying with Marxist orthodoxy, North Korea is fundamentally hostile to the notion of human rights in capitalist society, which existed in the pre-modern Donghak (Eastern Learning) ideology. Rights are strictly contingent upon one's class status in North Korea. However, the peasants' rebellion in pre-modern Korea was based on class consciousness against the ruling class. The supremacy of collective interests sees individual claims for human rights as selfish egoism, which was prevalent in Confucian ethics. The prioritization of subsistence rights and material welfare over civil and political rights was also the foremost important duty of the benevolent Confucian king. Finally, unlike Marx's reluctant use of the language of 'duties', rights are the offspring of citizens' duties in North Korean human rights discourse.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
18 |
ID:
030981
|
|
|
Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice Hall Incorporation, 1967.
|
Description |
x, 181p.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
001850 | 327.1717/MCN 001850 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
19 |
ID:
098353
|
|
|
Publication |
2010.
|
Summary/Abstract |
In the aftermath of the demise of the three communist federations, Western scholars have engaged in a debate on the role of ethno-federal arrangements in the process of disintegration. Some, such as Snyder (2000) and Bunce (1999), argue that the communist rulers 'created their own grave diggers', to paraphrase Marx, by introducing ethno-federalism. Brubaker (1996) argues that an unintended consequence of Soviet ethno-federalism was the reinforcement and politicisation of ethno-national identities. Others claim that communist ethnic 'federalism' was a facade for the unitary organisation ('democratic centralism') of party-states and that suppressed national identities returned with a vengeance in the 1980s. According to this latter view, the end of communist federalism was not a failure of genuine federations, but a failure of authoritarian, unitary, and excessively centralised states.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
20 |
ID:
115412
|
|
|
Publication |
Cambridge, Harvard University Asia Center, 2011.
|
Description |
xiii,320p.
|
Series |
Harward contemporary China series 17
|
Standard Number |
978067406063
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
056837 | 320.53230951/HEI 056837 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|