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| 1 |
ID:
151000
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a time when political debate in the West is preoccupied with the perceived impact of extremist ideas on individuals who embrace or support terrorism, this article uses the publicly articulated grievances of Ayman al-Zawahiri, Al-Qaeda’s most prolific ideologue, as a case study to examine how a globally focused and distributed extremist narrative matches political realities on the ground. The approach of the article is to compare two political processes: the approach of Islamist extremists, as represented by Zawahiri, to constitutional reform as articulated through public appeals to potential supporters versus the reality of constitutional amendments and evolution of fundamental law in the Middle East and South Asia. Incorporating insights from studies on law and society and International Relations, the article demonstrates how Zawahiri’s interpretation of religious law emphasises wholesale adoption of sharia while the process of legal reform has invariably resulted in the creation of legal hybrids, mixing Islamic and non-Islamic legal traditions. This is not an article about theology or religious law but an effort to dissect the public relations of an international terrorist movement. The analysis pays particular attention to events in Zawahiri’s native Egypt, where evolving grievances concerning a series of constitutional amendments – including those following the Arab revolutions and the toppling of Mohammed Morsi – are assessed.
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| 2 |
ID:
031188
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| Publication |
New York, American Management Association Inc., 1970.
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| Description |
Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0-8144-5212-4
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007262 | 658/MOO 007262 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
126656
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the revolution of 1932 that ended absolute monarchy in Siam, a new government came into power that sought to legitimize its rule by encouraging mass identification with the state. Practically, the expansion of a wage economy and the development of a state-led education system were seen by government officials as central to promoting a sense of citizenship to as yet disinterested rural communities. Throughout its first decade in power, the government thus set up projects to provide such groups with skills that might contribute to their overall material advancement. Following the lead of similar endeavours, particularly in India, one of the principal ways in which it would do this was through the production and bringing to market of cotton textiles. However, with foreign imports both superior in quality and cheaper than anything produced internally, the state struggled to establish a public relations message that might convince consumers to purchase Thai-produced textiles. As a result of specific limitations rooted in Thailand's ambiguous status globally, this meant that Thai leaders struggled to replicate the success of such movements elsewhere
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| 4 |
ID:
173812
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorism carries high audience costs for militant leaders because the attacks on civilians risk tarnishing the entire group as immoral extremists. Image-savvy militant leaders reduce the reputational fallout to the group whenever members commit terrorism. Specifically, the leaders distance their organization from civilian attacks by denying them. In this paper, I identify two types of denial strategies regularly employed by militant leaders, their effectiveness for image restoration, and how Islamic State paid a price for failing to employ them.
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| 5 |
ID:
157677
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| Summary/Abstract |
Winning hearts and minds in counterinsurgency missions is not only a strategy to be used on foreign populations, but also one that is necessary on the “home front.” This article is focused on the home battlefield; it is an analysis of the efforts by Canadian political elites to justify the use of military resources during the 2001–2011 interventions in Afghanistan. To fully understand Canadian public opinion of the Afghanistan war requires assessing domestic discursive “battlefields.” This article examines domestic debates as a key “battleground” in the war to win public consent for Afghanistan. I argue that the absence of active resistance to military involvement in the Afghan mission can best be explained by examining discourse about Support(ing) the Troops, the effect of which was to censure anti-war voices. In short, despite public discontent about the war, Support the Troops discourse was manoeuvred in a way that stigmatized anti-war narratives. This article considers how the rhetoric of Support the Troops movements in Canada played a role in normalizing militarization, and how this discourse was manoeuvred to legitimize military activities in Afghanistan.
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| 6 |
ID:
044031
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| Publication |
Bombay, Somaiya Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1972.
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| Description |
xiii, 324p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 009605 | 658.57/SRI 009605 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
041968
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| Edition |
4th ed.
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| Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc., 1952.
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| Description |
xvii, 701p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
132450275
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007114 | 658/CUT 007114 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
034333
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| Edition |
2nd ed.
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| Publication |
Boston, Butterworth Publishers, 1985.
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| Description |
xvi, 338p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0-409-90006-0
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 027370 | 658.47/SEN 027370 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
131564
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reads Bashar al-Asad's rule through the prism of social activism and, in particular, through the field of charities. The sociopolitical transformations Syria experienced between 2000 and 2010-the shift in state-society relations, the opening of the civic arena, and economic liberalization-are explored through the activities of charitable associations, including their interactions with other Syrian actors, and we argue that they reflect the unraveling of the old social contract. The Syrian leadership outsourced important state welfare functions to charities while also creating nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) under its own control and supporting developmental NGOs loyal to the regime. These NGOs differed from the existing charities in terms of their social base, financial backgrounds, motivations, modes of institutionalization, and public relations strategies, and enabled the authoritarian regime to pursue a new strategy of divide-and-rule politics. At the same time, subcontracting poor-relief measures to charities eroded the regime's political legitimacy and helped sow the seeds of the 2011 uprising.
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| 10 |
ID:
089333
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the role of the media during and after the August invasion of Georgia by Russian troops. It shows how on both sides the media responded to strong pressures to report the conflict from a very one-sided perspective. Indeed the conflict can be seen as a media as much as a military conflict as both sides struggled to present themselves in the best possible light before the international community and to exaggerate the losses that had been inflicted on their own rather then their enemy's forces. The article details the way this conflict was played out in printed media and TV as well as Internet blogs and provides information on the cyber war, which also broke out between the rival states.
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| 11 |
ID:
161385
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides an overview of the relationship of two Israeli intelligence services and the media over four decades. It explores how Israel’s external and internal intelligence services have dealt with the public sphere in times of publicised crises, and analyses the main differences between the internal and external intelligence services when addressing the media.
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| 12 |
ID:
106308
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores Israeli online public relations practice, including Web 1.0, and social media usage among Israeli public relations practitioners and organizations. The paper demonstrates a gap between the dialogic potential of the Internet and its actual utilization by Israeli practitioners and organizations. Still, it is expected that Internet usage, and mainly social media usage among Israeli practitioners will grow as well as their awareness to the dialogic and interactive potential of social media.
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| 13 |
ID:
123862
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| 14 |
ID:
140764
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores obstacles and conditions that environmental nongovernmental organizations face in interacting with media outlets in Kyrgyzstan. It also examines the limited scope of environmental journalism and the resulting limited ability of news outlets and eco-NGOs to help set the public agenda for discussion of policy and issues in the country. Even if such public relations interaction occurs, it is rarely effective and rarely generates influential eco/environmental articles in the media. The study is based on a content analysis of the news agency 24.kg and the newspaper Vecherniy Bishkek. It includes results of a survey and interviews with eco-NGOs representatives.
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| 15 |
ID:
027695
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| Publication |
London, Pitman Publishing., 1972.
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| Description |
vii, 172p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0-273-31626-5
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010948 | 659.2/BLA 010948 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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