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| 1 |
ID:
180415
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| Summary/Abstract |
When we think of a technological race to achieve geopolitical hegemony (some might even say technological Cold War), most of the times two concepts appear in our mind: artificial intelligence and 5G. Warnings about the perils of the use of artificial intelligence have not stopped governments or even private corporations such as Google from pursuing supremacy in the field. The case of 5G is even more notorious. The anxiety of Western countries to find a local champion to dispute China's Huawei leadership is well known. Those are not the only disruptive technologies that are powerful assets in the chessboard of geopolitics. Industrial 3D printing could join them in a not distant future.
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| 2 |
ID:
078022
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Abe Shinzô took over as prime minister of Japan on September 26, 2006. Thanks to the support of former Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichirô and his own popularity among the public at large, Abe assumed office with a strong base after winning the Liberal Democratic Party presidency with an impressive 66% of the total vote from LDP Diet members and local party chapters. In his previous positions as chief cabinet secretary and LDP secretary general, Abe supported the reforms initiated by the Koizumi administration.
According to a public opinion poll conducted by the Asahi Shimbun (published on September 28, 2006), the newly formed Abe cabinet enjoyed an approval rating of 63%-not quite as high as Koizumi's public support on taking office, but still the third-highest approval rating on record for a Japanese prime minister. However, a more recent Asahi poll (December 12, 2006) showed his public support dropping to 47%, owing mainly to disillusionment among young voters and those with no party affiliation (independent voters). The major reasons given were the vagueness of Abe's policy positions on issues and his decision to readmit into the LDP a group of dissenters who had opposed Koizumi's postal privatization plan.
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| 3 |
ID:
150950
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| Publication |
California, Hoover Institution Press, 1983.
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| Description |
xviii, 242p.pbk
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| Series |
Histories of Ruling Communist Parties
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| Standard Number |
0817977929
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 022176 | 324.2581075/ARN 022176 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
079010
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Kremlin's nervousness over the upcoming presidential succession, although camouflaged by oil wealth and passed over in silence by the renationalized or intimidated mass media, is plain to see.
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| 5 |
ID:
083776
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The inter-state system of politics, economics and security is under stress. The well-being and security of states and individuals is eroding as a combination of factors reduces the state's ability to meet its social compact with citizens. Yet over the past decade, Washington has come to assume the effective functioning of the system rather than retaining it as an end of American grand strategy. US policymakers do not fully appreciate how a changing international system is eroding the United States' security and its way of life. The overarching strategic challenge facing the United States is to revitalise the international system so that the nation can conserve its strength and power even as the global environment shifts. It demands a strategy of conservation. It must simultaneously address the chronic weakening of many states and the growing aspiration and activism of others emerging from the ranks of 'middle powers', along with the apparent inability of the current international system to deliver sufficient benefit to those who participate in it.
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| 6 |
ID:
132143
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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| Description |
317p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781137344038
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057828 | 320/HEN 057828 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
082075
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Staffan I. Lindberg and Minion K. C. Morrison look at voting rationales in Ghana's 1996 and 2000 elections and find that citizens in a new democracy like Ghana are more "mature" democratic voters than the literature would have us to expect. While voting is no doubt patterned along ethnic and tribal lines, it appears that voting behavior is also explained at the individual level by rational policy calculations constrained by classic information problems
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| 8 |
ID:
078520
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article draws on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in northern India on historically marginalised women's political participation. In particular, it examines women party activists in Dalit politics and the possibilities for the existence of feminist politics in the spaces analysed dense with masculine powers, caste identity-driven politicians and women's obstacles in building a political career for themselves. It is argued that these women present a theoretical impasse: labelling their practices as non-feminist would negatively connote the subjectivity and agency of those women who are engaged in different political worlds, even when they replicate dominant structures or embody traditions not exclusively based on the gendered individual as an actor or beneficiary of politics. Drawing from a comparison between women in Dalit politics and Hindu Right organisations, women activists are analysed through the lenses of their self-realisation trajectories, theirs and their political movements' relationship (or the absence of such a relationship) with gender progressive agendas, and the individual and collective consequences of their mobilisation. In doing so, this article aims to offer a portrait of women's political agency unconstrained by categories that, by themselves, might only offer partial explanations for everyday political life in a slum, a village or a state capital
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| 9 |
ID:
081182
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| 10 |
ID:
084409
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Harward University press, 1972.
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| Description |
334p.
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| Standard Number |
674080254
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 011698 | 320.12096/TOU 011698 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
078521
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The success of the Indian National Congress (INC)-led alliance in the 2004 general elections after years of terminal decline marks a critical juncture in the history of the party and Indian democracy. The 2004 elections were the outcome of a decade-long silent revolt of those who felt left out of the reform process. Efforts by its leadership to achieve organisational and political cohesion while emphasising ideological clarity served to persuade voters that the INC could represent a more inclusive governance approach. However, ever since the INC-led government began implementing social and economic policies designed to pursue the liberalising agenda, it has struggled to reconcile the contradiction between economic reforms that benefit the elite and upper-middle classes and its mass support among the poor who have been the losers in this process. This article examines the structure and pattern of transformation within the INC, both in its policy and strategy and in its organisation and leadership. It considers whether the INC's dual approach of seeking to appease the powerful middle-class constituency while appealing to the economic majority has a deeper strategic purpose of achieving centrism and a broad-based social coalition. It discusses whether this shift in direction signals the arrival of more inclusive development policies to bridge the growing socio-economic divide and, if so, whether this can be sustained in the long term.
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| 12 |
ID:
083209
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The demonstrations in September 2007 were the most significant civil protests seen in Burma since the ill-fated pro-democracy uprising of 1988. The military government's brutal response to the latest unrest prompted an unprecedented level of diplomatic activity and a rare consensus on the need for political change. Since then, however, efforts to resolve the crisis have withered away, underlining the international community's inability over the past 20 years to make a significant impact on the situation in Burma. Neither the principled approach of some countries and organisations, nor the more pragmatic attitude adopted by others, has persuaded the regime to abandon any of its core positions. Indeed, by demonstrating the international community's continuing disagreement over Burma, and the limited policy options available, the lack of concerted action since the protests has probably encouraged the regime's obduracy and increased its confidence that it can survive external pressures. An appreciation of the generals' threat perceptions may help the international community to understand the regime's intransigence, but it is still difficult to see what policies can be effective against a government that puts its own survival before accepted norms of behaviour and the welfare of its people. Real and lasting change will have to come from within Burma itself, but the events of 2007 suggest that this is a distant prospect.
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| 13 |
ID:
080054
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates a paradoxical case of business success in one of the world's worst-governed states, Angola. Founded in 1976 as the essential tool of the Angolan end of the oil business, Sonangol, the national oil company, was from the very start protected from the dominant (both predatory and centrally planned) logic of Angola's political economy. Throughout its first years, the pragmatic senior management of Sonangol accumulated technical and managerial experience, often in partnership with Western oil and consulting firms. By the time the ruling party dropped Marxism in the early 1990s, Sonangol was the key domestic actor in the economy, an island of competence thriving in tandem with the implosion of most other Angolan state institutions. However, the growing sophistication of Sonangol (now employing thousands of people, active in four continents, and controlling a vast parallel budget of offshore accounts and myriad assets) has not led to the benign developmental outcomes one would expect from the successful 'capacity building' of the last thirty years. Instead, Sonangol has primarily been at the service of the presidency and its rentier ambitions. Amongst other themes, the paper seeks to highlight the extent to which a nominal 'failed state' can be successful amidst widespread human destitution, provided that basic tools for elite empowerment (in this case, Sonangol and the means of coercion) exist to ensure the viability of incumbents.
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| 14 |
ID:
027819
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| Publication |
Beckenham, Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1986.
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| Description |
252p.
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| Standard Number |
0709936605
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026975 | 320.973/PAL 026975 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
077517
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| 16 |
ID:
082102
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN NOVEMBER 2007, the State Duma and the Federation Council voted for a bill suspending the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE). The measure, proposed by Russian President V. V. Putin "in connection with exceptional circumstances, affecting the security of the Russian Federation and requiring urgent measures," was unanimously supported by all MPs. ... Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov expressed his satisfaction with such unanimity and compared Russia's temporary withdrawal from the CFE Treaty with the renunciation of "the discriminatory provisions of the Treaty of Paris, which was imposed on the country as a result of the Crimean War," in 1870
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| 17 |
ID:
120534
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| Publication |
Sri Lanka, Shramaya Publication, 2011.
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| Description |
xix, 360p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789555307802
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057302 | 320.95493/MOO 057302 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
121705
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Aleph Book Company, 2013.
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| Description |
248p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789382277095
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057367 | 320.5/VAR 057367 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
079601
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| 20 |
ID:
078693
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the question of why Ethiopia's post-1991 decentralisation reform is not taking the desired direction of matching diverse needs with available resources and creating accountable, responsive and autonomous regional governments. Given regional governments' relatively diverse socio-economic positions, the intention of the reform to create autonomous regions with devolved administrative, fiscal and political power is appropriate. Nonetheless, the implementation of the elements of the reform - expenditure assignment, revenue assignment, intergovernmental fiscal transfer and sub-national borrowing - is flawed. Existing studies that question the effectiveness of Ethiopia's devolution focus on political or fiscal aspects, and fail to link the de facto centre-region political power relationship with intergovernmental fiscal relations. This article, based on detailed field research in three regional governments, argues that the flawed intergovernmental fiscal relations reform is best explained by the clientelistic relationship between central and regional political parties.
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