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| 1 |
ID:
002913
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Sterling Pub., 1993.
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| Description |
x,364p.
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| Standard Number |
81-207-1407-5
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 034338 | 327.54492/HUQ 034338 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
142996
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| Summary/Abstract |
On October 20, 2014, Indonesia—the world's fourth-largest nation, third-largest democracy, and largest Muslim-majority country—after a decade of stable leadership under Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, inaugurated former Jakarta governor Joko Widodo as its new president. Jokowi, as he is popularly known in Indonesia, will face the daunting task of addressing the country's myriad domestic problems, while also maintaining its role abroad as a regional leader in Southeast Asia as well as a global player in important international fora like the G20 and the United Nations. Indonesian foreign policy will likely display significant continuity with the Yudhoyono years. But in translating Indonesia's foreign policy aspirations into reality, Jokowi will confront major challenges ranging from nagging resource constraints at home to incomplete political transitions and rising nationalism among Indonesia's neighbors abroad. These challenges have profound implications for U.S. policy toward Indonesia, given the closer ties between the two countries over the past few years. U.S. policymakers should factor in these realities as they fashion next steps for U.S.–Indonesia relations.
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| 3 |
ID:
148606
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On 15 May 2016, the Arab-American community lost one of its most prominent and admired members, the renowned diplomat, academic, journalist, and intellectual, Clovis Maksoud. In addition to his distinguished service as Arab League ambassador at the United Nations, to the United States, and to India and Southeast Asia, Maksoud was a lifelong advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, Arab nationalist, and champion of the Palestinian cause. In this remembrance, colleague and Arab-American activist Khalil Jahshan eulogizes Maksoud with both warmth and humor.
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| 4 |
ID:
132413
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United States-India relationship was fraught with misapprehension and ideological disagreement during the 1950s. Public diplomacy provides a valuable context for examining these dynamics. This analysis assesses the planning, deployment, and reception of American public diplomacy to India under President Dwight Eisenhower, a period encompassing Washington's 1954 alliance with Pakistan and economic aid to India in 1957-1958. Public diplomacy reflects the Administration's difficulty in clarifying its interests in India. The rhetorical and moralising approach of India's leadership, and their prominence in the global non-aligned movement, contributed greatly to this ambivalence. Public diplomacy planning highlights Washington's difficulties in confronting India's identity in world politics; it struggled to craft messages on racial attitudes, consumerism, and Communism, whilst Soviet public diplomacy gave strong competition throughout the period. At the same time, several aspects of American public diplomacy resonated with Indian audiences, indicating that there was the possibility of a closer American relationship with India had Washington taken a different high policy approach to the region.
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| 5 |
ID:
155286
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The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India’s case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India’s rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi’s approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India’s foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.
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| 6 |
ID:
073448
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| 7 |
ID:
073447
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| 8 |
ID:
179063
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| Publication |
DelhI, Kalinga Publications, 1991.
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| Description |
iii, 382p.: maphbk
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| Standard Number |
8185163180
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060027 | 320.688/SAX 060027 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
029056
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Indian Institute for Non-Aligned Studies, 1989.
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| Description |
120p.
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| Standard Number |
817128027
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032064 | 327/TAL 032064 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
072330
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| 11 |
ID:
002193
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Indian Institute for Non-Aligned Studies, 1986.
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| Description |
133p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026985 | 327.17/SRI 026985 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
096825
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do national and political identities impact on a state's foreign policy? In turn, how does the analysis of different normative beliefs advance our understanding of India's foreign policy during the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) period? This article utilises a norm-based approach to investigate the composite entrenched beliefs underpinning Indian foreign policy. Such an approach generates historically contingent understandings of foreign policy beliefs across different political generations and ideologies. By focusing on pre-1998 Indian government and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) foreign policy norms, and comparing them with the actions of the BJP-led NDA in government, the paper assesses whether differing ideological beliefs either constrain or influence (Indian) foreign policy. In particular, two elements of Indian foreign policy are analysed-dealing with Pakistan and going nuclear-in order to evaluate continuity and change in the formation and development of foreign policy in India. It is found that although the BJP-led NDA were frequently constrained by underlying norms present in Indian foreign policy, their own established policy beliefs often challenged these norms and influenced new foreign policy directions.
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| 13 |
ID:
135689
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the contemporary state system diplomacy and foreign policy are the integral parts of world politics and both are perceived to be essential part of relationship and the effective instrument and important element for friendly and adversary countries in the world. Foreign relation with other countries is primarily of a diplomatic nature but countries extend economic, commerce, and cultural missions abroad to achieve political and strategic objective. Development in the world has enormously increased contracts, which demand the formulation of foreign policy according to a country’s interest.
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| 14 |
ID:
002815
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| Publication |
New York, United Nations, 1993.
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| Description |
vii,57p.
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| Series |
UNIDIR Research paper;16
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| Standard Number |
9290450797
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Copies: C:4/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 034429 | 327.1160968/NKI 034429 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 034430 | 327.1160968/NKI 034430 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 034626 | 327.1160968/NKI 034626 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 034836 | 327.1160968/NKI 034836 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
145523
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| Summary/Abstract |
Mainstream international relations scholarship has ignored or disparaged the significance and legacies of the Bandung conference. The author argues in favour of its importance, not only for any serious investigation into the evolution of the post-war international order, but also for the development of Global IR as a truly universal discipline: a global international relations. Few events offer more fertile ground for rethinking the established boundaries of international relations. After introducing the concept of a global international relations, the author then considers ways in which the conference’s key legacies challenge conventional accounts and attest to the ‘agency’ of the newly independent states in the making of the post-war international order. The legacies this section focuses on include frustration at Western attempts to ‘sabotage’ the conference; the delegitimisation of collective defence pacts and the development of the Non-Aligned Movement; the emergence of a South-East Asian regionalism; the strengthening of emergent global norms affirming decolonisation, human rights, universalism and the United Nations; and support for the ‘comity’, over the ‘clash’, of civilisations. The author also canvasses negative legacies of the conference, including the polarisation of Asia and the encouragement of authoritarian tendencies and regional interventionist impulses. The author concludes by drawing implications of the conference for the study of global international relations.
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| 16 |
ID:
146242
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| Summary/Abstract |
Born more than half a century ago, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) embodied the collective identity and aspirations of newly independent nations in Africa and Asia. Since the end of the Cold War, NAM’s relevance has been brought into question given the passing of the geopolitical context that motivated its creation. More recently, in the wake of the NAM’s Tehran meeting in August 2012, myriad analyses have yet again questioned NAM’s political effectiveness and legitimacy as an ideologically coherent vehicle for developing countries’ definition of common positions on a host of global issues. Drawing from the literature on ontological security, I argue that NAM’s enduring relevance, legitimacy, and institutional resilience are the result of some of its key member states’ adherence to the core principles of nonalignment. Notwithstanding the profound changes in both the international system and in the political and socioeconomic contexts of most of NAM’s members since the movement’s creation, these principles have fundamentally shaped their postcolonial identities in international relations. I claim that NAM’s contemporary resilience derives from the stabilizing sense of continuity that the movement provides by reifying developing states’ shared identity in an increasingly de-centered and uncertain global order.
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