|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
137596
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Student movements in the twentieth century Middle East have received less attention than many other topics in the study of the region's cultural and political history. Yet the rapidly changing demographic composition of the region since the 1960s have made young people and youth activism a significant parameter in Middle Eastern politics, highlighted by the Arab Spring that began in late 2010. Student movements in Turkey and Egypt gained momentum in the 1960, and in the 1970s Islamic discourse became increasingly popular among young activists. These youth movements operated through flexible structures, allowing them to challenge the state authority and secular statecraft. This essay explores three of the leading religious and nationalist student movements in Turkey and Egypt in the 1970s.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
157764
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper discusses two distinct political mobilisations of October 2015 in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Student protests against racial, class-based, and gender-based oppression coincided with xenophobic violence in the city. These events demonstrated both challenges to and continuity with the long history of politics in Grahamstown, a history marked by the contestation and control of space, race, and citizenship. The paper argues for the continued relevance of these themes to thinking about contemporary South African politics. By considering together the two events of October 2015, we can interrogate aspects of colonial political continuities in post-1994 South Africa which variously influence mass protest action for democratic opening, anti-democratic violence, and state responses to both.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
033156
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Montreal, McGill-Queen's University press, 1969.
|
| Description |
xiv,301p.Hardbound
|
| Standard Number |
773500413
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004062 | 371.810954/ROS 004062 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
180267
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Decades of violent yet competitive party politics in Bangladesh have been usurped by authoritarian consolidation under the ruling Awami League. Both mainstream ‘civil society’ and political opposition have been largely suppressed, left unable to wage the protests typical of the county’s politics. It is then striking that recent years have nonetheless seen significant urban unrest in the form of student led movements, coalescing around issues of injustice. Such social movements are neglected in the study of authoritarian durability, yet appear in practice to pose a serious threat to the ruling party. To understand this threat, this article examines two cases from 2018: the movements for reform to civil service quotas, and improved road safety. It argues such movements must be read in light of Bangladesh’s history, where students have played a major role in confronting authoritarian rule. In particular, they pose two threats: first, they have the potential to undermine the ruling party’s legitimacy and create a moment of crisis on which the opposition could capitalise; second, they can exacerbate tensions between interest groups on whom the ruling party rely to maintain power. Responding to such threats is thus crucial for the ruling party to maintain their grip on power.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
178397
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the motivations behind the involvement of high school students in the anti-government protests across Thailand in 2020. Drawing on 150 school and 150 university student interviews, focus groups, and observation of sixteen protests conducted around the country, it argues that protesting youths were motivated by grievances against repressive, authoritative and unaccountable conservative education systems and political institutions, particularly the monarchy.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|