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| 1 |
ID:
019517
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| Publication |
April 2001.
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| Description |
174-195
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| 2 |
ID:
018940
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| Publication |
Autumn 2000.
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| Description |
583-602
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| 3 |
ID:
090498
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| 4 |
ID:
108144
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like many states in the Global South, the Australian economy relies heavily on the natural resource sector for a large proportion of its export earnings. Four decades ago, this basic similarity eventually induced Australian governments to become 'fellow travellers' with the G77 quest for a new international economic order. When that quest was put to rest by the rise of neo-liberalism, Australian governments then became fervent believers in free rather than managed trade; but in the contemporary era where neo-liberalism is now a dying policy creed, Australia's current resource boom begs the question of whether the time is now ripe for Canberra to reinvent this role. What the rationales might be for that 'back to the future' policy move is explored in the context of Australia's iron ore trade with China.
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| 5 |
ID:
155479
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reflects on the role crises play in enabling existing systems of global economic governance to evolve and endure while also preserving underlying power dynamics. The article uses as its case-study global trade governance. Its aim is to explore the impact of the negotiating crises that beset the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha round of trade negotiations. The article traces how, over the course of the Doha round, periodic crises resulting from divergent pressures for opposing outcomes combined to preclude one set of institutional developments from resulting (those on which the Doha round had been launched and the basis upon which developing countries negotiated) while enabling others (those advanced by the leading industrial states). The result has been to usher in changes that have returned global trade governance to a form of system management more familiar to observers of the multilateral trading system of the 1970s. This ‘retro’ form of trade governance signals a departure from the more inclusive system that had emerged from the Uruguay round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and evolved during the WTO's early years, replacing it with a lither system of mini-lateralism more fit for industrial country purposes.
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| 6 |
ID:
066703
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| 7 |
ID:
061222
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| Publication |
Jan-Apr 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Japanese government today is actively and strategically choosing among various institutional forums to deal with its trade partners, namely bilateral venues, multilateral settings, and even preferential regional arrangements. This ongoing high-profile institutional selection is somewhat unprecedented for Japan, and demands a review of the historical and analytical reasons that drive decisionmakers to select one forum over another. Overall, the Japanese case suggests that the aggregate trade forum choices are influenced both by the desire to institutionalize mechanisms for stabilizing a range of expectations and by the necessity of guaranteeing market access and protection of investment in the fastest time possible.
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| 8 |
ID:
097082
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The report of the Appellate Body of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body in China - Publications touches new ground by ruling on a few key legal issues. Its significance and ramifications go well beyond the present case and may influence subsequent WTO jurisprudence relating to the distinction between goods and services, trading rights commitments and availability of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Article XX defense, etc. Nevertheless, the Appellate Body report has its shortcomings, especially in relation to what the author views to be a flawed interpretation of GATT Article XX(a). This paper argues for the Appellate Body abandoning the present interpretive approach in favour of a truly holistic and integrated analytical framework in its future jurisprudence.
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| 9 |
ID:
116208
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| 10 |
ID:
116561
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In response to strident and frequent domestic political outcries, some of China's trade partners have recently accused the Chinese government of intervening in its currency markets, and are threatening to lodge complaints with the World Trade Organization. However, can the WTO assert jurisdiction over China's RMB issue? Analysis of the relevant WTO rules applicable to exchange rate policies does not provide a clear-cut or easy answer. A case like this would likely require expansive interpretation of vague WTO provisions, and also a broadening of its authority into peripheral trade-related areas. Moreover, it is doubtful that China's trading partners could actually make a convincing case that China has violated its commitments under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the Agreement on Subsidy and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement).
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| 11 |
ID:
005429
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| Publication |
Boulder, Westview Press, 1995.
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| Description |
xiv,285p.; figures and tables
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| Standard Number |
0813389380
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036736 | 327.1/KRO 036736 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
138904
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| Summary/Abstract |
At UN-sponsored climate talks in 2013, the Group of 77 (G77) developing countries, joined by China, walked out briefly in protest against the failure of rich countries to provide a ‘loss-and-damage mechanism’ that would compensate poor countries for the detrimental effects of climate change. At the same conference, Japan’s announcement that it would not meet its emissions goals brought widespread condemnation. These events reflected an intensification of the most persistent deadlock in climate negotiations since the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was agreed in 1992.
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| 13 |
ID:
083541
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Increasing legalization of international institutions has divergent effects on member countries. Whereas legalization decreases uncertainty and increases convergence of countries' expectations on international outcomes, it imposes costs on countries by increasing the complexity and difficulty of procedures for them to utilize. Countries with the administrative capacity to follow elaborate procedures reap the benefits of increased legalization. For countries without such capacity-primarily developing countries-the potential benefits are offset by their difficulty in following the procedures. I examine this argument against the institutional changes in dispute settlement procedures that occurred in the transition from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Compared to the GATT era, developed countries-ones with greater capacity-are much more likely to utilize dispute settlement in the WTO than developing countries. Gains from the institutional changes in dispute settlement procedures have accrued to benefit mostly developed member countries in the WTO.
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| 14 |
ID:
052134
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| Publication |
Apr-Jun 2004.
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| 15 |
ID:
100440
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| 16 |
ID:
128623
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Australia is currently negotiating a framework treaty with the European Union (EU) that aims at closer cooperation on a wide range of shared policy goals. The treaty is not expected to include trade-liberalisation commitments. This article queries why this is, given the importance of trade and business relations with the EU for Australia, and the fact that the EU exerts international influence primarily as a trade power, rather than a foreign and security policy power. Since 2006, the EU has also been negotiating 'new-generation' bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs), focusing on tariffs and regulatory non-tariff trade barriers. It has now committed itself to FTA negotiations with many of Australia's trade partners in Asia and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. An FTA and a complementary framework treaty were concluded with South Korea in 2010, and the EU is currently negotiating a similar package with Canada. As Australia and Canada are comparable trade partners for the EU, the article argues that an FTA on the EU-Canada model could be a more effective avenue for Australia to achieve deeper engagement with the EU.
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| 17 |
ID:
017783
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| Publication |
Aug 2000.
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| Description |
425-446
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| 18 |
ID:
101387
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A growing body of literature argues that democracies are more likely to comply with international agreements than authoritarian states. However, substantial variation exists in the compliance behaviour of democracies. How can this variation be explained? The same mechanism that links regime type to compliance, namely electoral competition, also explains variation in compliance among democracies. This is because the nature of electoral competition varies across democratic systems. An analysis of democratic GATT/WTO member countries from 1980 to 2003 reveals that governments elected via majoritarian electoral rules and/or single-member districts are more likely to violate GATT/WTO agreements than those elected via proportional electoral rules and/or multi-member districts.
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| 19 |
ID:
126075
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Certain developed countries are exploring the possibility of imposing border measures to address the issues of "competitive disadvantage" and "carbon leakage" caused by asymmetric climate change policies in different countries. This article examines whether these border measures can satisfy the chapeau requirement1 under Article XX of GATT, which is probably the most significant procedural hurdle under the WTO framework. Furthermore, this article takes stock of China's domestic actions to combat climate change as well as their potential effectiveness, and then analyses the motivations behind those actions.2 After that, this article probes into China's potential advisable reactions towards these possible border measures, including China's domestic institutional building.
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| 20 |
ID:
114496
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Member states of the gatt/wto have linked some issue-areas outside trade to the institution and did so with varying depths. At the same time they have chosen not to link other issue-areas. What accounts for this variation? The author argues that states establish a legalized linkage between the gatt/wto and an issue-area outside it when they are uncertain about the possibilities of disguised protectionism. Such uncertainty exists under two conditions: when diversity in regulations in an issue-area across states generates a large adverse impact on trade (negative externalities) but that diversity can be justified at the international level for (1) having an independent objective apart from hampering trade and (2) when there are few alternative policies to achieve that objective (legitimacy). States establish a highly legalized linkage in these situations to reduce the uncertainty and minimize disguised protectionism. By contrast, when regulatory diversity exhibits low legitimacy, states establish only a weakly legalized linkage. In the absence of meaningful externalities, they do not establish any linkages. The author evaluates this argument in two ways. He provides an overview of eleven issue-areas about which there have been some debates or conflicts about linkages to the gatt/wto. In addition, he carries out in-depth case studies of three issue-areas-labor standards, environmental standards, and health safety standards. The findings of this article contribute to a better understanding of international institutions and cooperation as well as of the evolution of the multilateral trade institution.
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