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| 1 |
ID:
116828
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that Operation Neptune Spear, or the bin Laden Raid, reinforced US elite and public beliefs in American exceptionalism and the importance of carrying out numerous 'overseas contingency operations'. The combination of textual and legal rationales for the raid treated the mission as a legal and effective raid, and it could now serve as a visual model for future aggressive war fighting. This is problematic because it emboldens those who want to move away from softer, 'hearts and minds' ways of dealing with enemies, at the same time that it legitimates targeted killings and encourages violations of other nations' territorial sovereignty.
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| 2 |
ID:
154066
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Since World War II, Europe has seen dramatic transformation of its borders. It has covered the full circle from the hard notions of territorial sovereignty enshrined in the Treaty of Westphalia to the Schengen Agreement wherein Europe allows free movement of goods, services, people and capital within the European Economic Area. The article looks at the changing borders in the European Union and their impact on the immediate neighbourhood of Europe.
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| 3 |
ID:
178565
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The Liberal International Order is in crisis. While the symptoms are clear to many, the deep roots of this crisis remain obscured. We propose that the Liberal International Order is in tension with the older Sovereign Territorial Order, which is founded on territoriality and borders to create group identities, the territorial state, and the modern international system. The Liberal International Order, in contrast, privileges universality at the expense of groups and group rights. A recognition of this fundamental tension makes it possible to see that some crises that were thought to be unconnected have a common cause: the neglect of the coordinating power of borders. We sketch out new research agendas to show how this tension manifests itself in a broad range of phenomena of interest.
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| 4 |
ID:
117045
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2012.
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Most people hold that in its quest for natural resources abroad, China shields rogue states with egregious human-rights record from international opprobrium and sanctions. Its political support for Sudan is a case in point. By examining Chinese perspectives on humanitarian intervention and national sovereignty, this article first argues that Beijing's interests are so multiple and complex that concern about the implications of humanitarian intervention for national integration is more crucial than oil in determining its policy towards Sudan. Paradoxically it asserts that China, a non-democratic country, is more influential than liberal democratic states in making the rules of humanitarian intervention in Darfur because of a lack of political will in the West. In addition, there are early signs that China intends to utilise its newfound power to remake international rules regarding territorial sovereignty. Further development is likely to be shaped by its interactions with the United States.
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| 5 |
ID:
073114
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| 6 |
ID:
114765
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| 7 |
ID:
111631
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2012.
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This article argues that a hypothetical decision by the People's Republic of China to assert territorial sovereignty over the area surrounding its planned manned Moon base is plausible. Enhanced international prestige in the near term and access to natural resources and strategic military positions in the long term may be sufficient temptations for China's leaders to challenge the United States to a twenty-first century space race. Strategic surprise could be successfully employed, given the opacity of Chinese decision-making; the conceptual blindness of external observers, including decision-makers, analysts, and academics; and China's repeatedly demonstrated capacity for executing military or diplomatic surprises of comparable magnitude. The ability of signatory states to withdraw from the 1967 Outer Space Treaty with one-year's notice means that international law only poses a temporary obstacle to such a decision. A manned Moon base would fulfill the condition of effective occupation necessary for territorial sovereignty under international law. An international relations constructivist approach discourages consideration of the advantages to states of territorial aggrandizement or the weakness of international law in restraining the behavior of states.
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| 8 |
ID:
131331
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2014.
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This article investigates Japan's current role in the Senkaku Islands. The government maintains administrative control of these tiny, uninhabited islands and rocks at the frontier of Japan, but both the governments of China and Taiwan dispute Japanese claims to sovereignty and claim sovereignty over the islands themselves. Whilst much of the extant literature examines these competing claims, this article instead explores the relationship between risk, sovereignty and governance at the frontiers of Japan. It seeks to demonstrate in particular how the governance of Japan's maritime frontiers reflects a broader process of the recalibration of risk by the Abe Shinz? government as part of ending the postwar regime. Its main purpose is twofold: first, to illuminate how the government carries out administrative control and governance of a remote, uninhabited territory when sovereignty is challenged and in dispute; and second, to elucidate how the government's recalibration of risk generates a range of costs for the Japanese market and society as a result of the deterioration of relations with China arising from the way risk is being recalibrated.
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| 9 |
ID:
123146
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2012.
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High economic growth rates, the revolution in telecommunications and the end of the Cold War have brought about rapid and profound changes to the domestic as well as regional environments of Northeast Asian governments. The maritime sphere, where increasingly militarized state boundaries delineate political authority and economic activities link increasingly interdependent communities therein, bears high significance for the study of regional cooperation. This paper looks at how the maritime sphere of Northeast Asia is represented in common political and academic discourses of international relations. It finds that maritime affairs are firmly cast in the language of national security, and that empirical evidence against perceived threats and related security imperatives is often neglected if not completely ignored. The paper argues that the maritime space, due to its special character, has become the stage on which the consequences of modernity appear particularly strong. The relentless quest to develop and control the ocean clashes with the notion of the sea as a space of global trade and communication flow. At the same time, the ocean as an entity itself is excluded from the discourse because it is irreconcilable with the conception of the international system of sovereign territorial units. As a result, the maritime sphere is seen as a dividing element between nations rather than a connecting element, and salient environmental problems of the maritime space remain low on political and academic agendas. This is also a consequence of mainstream methods of political science that continue to reproduce discourses of territorial division and fail to offer alternative approaches suitable for the study of contemporary Northeast Asia.
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| 10 |
ID:
124176
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the prominent place of intervention in contemporary world politics, debate is limited by two weaknesses: first, an excessive presentism; and second, a focus on normative questions to the detriment of analysis of the longer-term sociological dynamics that fuel interventionary pressures. In keeping with the focus of the Special Issue on the ways in which intervention is embedded within modernity, this article examines the emergence of intervention during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, assesses its place in the contemporary world, and considers its prospects in upcoming years. The main point of the article is simple - although intervention changes in character across time and place, it is a persistent feature of modern international relations. As such, intervention is here to stay.
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| 11 |
ID:
165271
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This study analyses two authoritative texts and a map from the Ming and Qing eras to examine the political relationship between China and Tibet in the Ming period. It finds that in these documents Tibet was not classified as being a part of the realm governed by the Ming Empire. This casts doubt on the claim advanced by the People’s Republic of China that Tibet has been a part of China ‘since antiquity’. An important conclusion of this study is that, when taking recourse to historical texts to justify or refute territorial claims, the structure and content of the text as a whole, and not just isolated phrases or formulations, should be taken into account.
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| 12 |
ID:
036510
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| Publication |
London, Oxford University Press, 1966.
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| Description |
xxxi, 646p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 001795 | 341/BRO 001795 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
149660
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| Summary/Abstract |
To reaffirm China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea, enhance cooperation in the South China Sea with other countries, and uphold peace and stability in the South China Sea, the Government of the People’s Republic of China hereby states as follows:
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| 14 |
ID:
095972
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| 15 |
ID:
182815
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New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2022.
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| Description |
xxiii, 41p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789391490119
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060123 | 341.42/RIT 060123 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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