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| 1 |
ID:
112492
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979-90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba-tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of 'protagonistic revolutionary democracy' which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned '21st century socialism'. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba-tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the 'state-in-revolution' and the 'organised society'. They drive the regionalisation of 'revolutionary democracy', thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba-tcp space.
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| 2 |
ID:
102475
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| Publication |
Westport, Praeger Security International, 2008.
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| Description |
2 vol. set.; xxii, 325p.
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| Standard Number |
9780275994327, hbk
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:2,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055752 | 973.931/ATK 055752 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
| 055753 | 973.931/ATK 055753 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 3 |
ID:
109887
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| 4 |
ID:
123843
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through an examination of American policy toward Germany during late 1918 to 1919, this article challenges widely held ideas about the attitudes of American President Woodrow Wilson toward democracy promotion. Scholars typically have seen in Wilson's foreign policy the antecedents of several subsequent U.S. presidents' policies of democracy promotion and democratic interventionism. This study contends that at least during the second half of Wilson's presidency, however, Wilson did not regard it as appropriate for the United States to intervene in the internal political affairs of other nations to promote democracy. While he hoped that postwar Germany would come to embrace democracy, he believed that the Germans would have to find democracy on their own. Despite the fact that those American diplomatic officials who were most familiar with the situation in Germany continually urged a more active U.S. policy to promote democracy there, Wilson remained deeply skeptical of the new German government and adhered firmly to the view that the United States should refrain from attempting to influence Germany's internal political affairs.
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| 5 |
ID:
179481
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| Summary/Abstract |
In late March 2015, Saudi o5cials came to the Obama administration with a message: Saudi Arabia and a coalition of partners were on the verge ofintervening in neighboring Yemen, whose leader had recently been ousted by rebels. This wasn’t exactly a bolt from the blue. The Saudis had been 4agging their growing concerns about the insurgency on their southern border for months, arguing that the rebels were proxies for their archrival, Iran.
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| 6 |
ID:
104554
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| 7 |
ID:
103762
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| 8 |
ID:
097021
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2010.
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Party activists have played a leading role in "conflict extension"-the polarization of the parties along multiple issue dimensions-in contemporary American politics. We argue that open nomination systems and the ambitious politicians competing within those systems encourage activists with extreme views on a variety of issue dimensions to become involved in party politics, thus motivating candidates to take noncentrist positions on a range of issues. Once that happens, continuing activists with strong partisan commitments bring their views into line with the new candidate agendas, thus extending the domain of interparty conflict. Using cross-sectional and panel surveys of national convention delegates, we find clear evidence for conflict extension among party activists, evidence tentatively suggesting a leading role for activists in partisan conflict extension more generally, and strong support for our argument about change among continuing activists. Issue conversion among activists has contributed substantially to conflict extension and party commitment has played a key role in motivating that conversion.
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| 9 |
ID:
091062
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2009.
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In the May 2004, the FBI announced that it was searching for Adam Yahiye Gadahn, a 25-year-old American, for his suspected role as an al-Qaeda operative. A few months later, a 75-minute videotape was released in which a masked man calling himself Azzam the American claimed to be a member of al Qaeda and threatened that the streets of American would run red with blood.
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| 10 |
ID:
100733
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2010.
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uring the Vietnam War several beliefs gained currency that had negative implications for the men who labored as advisers. One was that the U.S. Army did not select its best men for advisory duty. Another was that promotion boards disregarded statements by senior Army leaders that command and advisory performance would be given the same weight when determining officer promotions. This article attempts to shed light on the question by examining the extent to which former Vietnam advisers achieved general officer rank in the U.S. Army.
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| 11 |
ID:
095427
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| 12 |
ID:
096017
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| 13 |
ID:
112822
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
ON DECEMBER 5, 2011, Bonn hosted a large-scale International Afghanistan Conference under the slogan "Afghanistan and the International Community: From Transition to the Transformation Decade" attended by high representatives of about 100 countries and international organizations, in short, practically the entire range of the world community. The conference met to look at ten years of post-Taliban development and reconfirm a broad international consensus on the Roadmap of the country's development after the draw-down of American and NATO contingents launched in the summer of 2011 and expected to be completed in 2014.
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| 14 |
ID:
101245
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| 15 |
ID:
103109
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| 16 |
ID:
138999
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EARLIER THIS year, West Point’s Defense and Strategic Studies Program invited me to participate in a panel discussion on the future of warfare. For historians, and particularly for Vietnam War students like me, such requests seem fraught with peril. Given the contentious debate that continues to surround America’s involvement in Vietnam, now fifty years after Lyndon Johnson’s fateful decision to send ground combat troops to Southeast Asia, commenting on the future of warfare obliges conjecture without much evidence. Yet for uniformed officers considering strategic issues and the use of military force, these questions surely are as sensible as they are unavoidable.
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| 17 |
ID:
110478
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| 18 |
ID:
119883
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| Publication |
2011.
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Just over 200 years ago an American president initiated a program of exploration that sent two men to the Pacific Ocean. Fifty years ago, another American president initiated a program of exploration that sent two men to the Sea of Tranquility. Fifty years after Lewis and Clark we had the California Gold Rush, and it was just another 16 years to the completion of the first transcontinental railroad with the Golden Spike. But fifty years after the beginning of the Apollo Program, the New Frontier of space has been trailing far behind the pace of the frontier of the American West. Why the striking contrast?
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| 19 |
ID:
105195
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What does the furor over the "politicization" of Coretta Scott King's funeral reveal about contemporary black mourning practices? What does it reveal about black political thought, rhetoric, and practice? Identifying two key modes of mourning and their concomitant conceptions of democracy, this article situates the funeral within a tradition of self-consciously political responses to loss that played a significant role in abolitionism and the struggle for civil rights. Tracing the tradition's origins, and employing the speeches of Frederick Douglass as an exemplar, it considers the approach's democratic value and the consequences of its failure. Arguing that the response to the King funeral indicates that the tradition is in decline, the article locates causes of this decline in significant changes among the black population and in the complex consequences of the tradition's previous successes. It concludes by considering the decline's potentially negative impact, both for African Americans and for the broader political community.
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| 20 |
ID:
111276
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