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| 1 |
ID:
147198
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the rise of social unrest in the Tajik SSR in 1990–1991 from the perspective of the republic’s place within the broader Soviet economy and the collapse of that economy over the course of perestroika (1985–1991). Countering standard narratives of glasnost, democratization and nationalism in Tajikistan, it demonstrates that a close reading of the historical record points to sharp economic downturn as the most plausible immediate cause of the social disorder that came to engulf the Tajik SSR in the final years of the USSR and led to the Tajik Civil War of the 1990s.
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| 2 |
ID:
048578
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| Publication |
Armonk, M E Sharpe, 1998.
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| Description |
xxiv, 326p.
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| Standard Number |
0765602636
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 040282 | 338.947/ELL 040282 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
037632
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Allied Publishers Limited, 1989.
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| Description |
169p
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031745 | 327.172/ZAG 031745 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
089968
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Perestroika was into its fourth year. Needless to say, that process could not have possibly bypassed the Foreign Ministry. Especially taking into account the fact that one of the masterminds of new political thinking held the ministerial seat. Calls to promote criticism and self-criticism, and openness and debate were coming from everywhere. No sanction from above was any longer required to bring any of the "for official use only" topics out into the open. All of that inspired the authors, rank and file officers at the Foreign Ministry at the time, to take up the pen. It was not our intention to go too deep into analyzing the new trends of Soviet foreign policy. The goal was far more modest - i.e., to tell, from the average person's perspective, about the way in which life at the ministry was organized, as well as about the problems and concerns that had affected the "diplomatic guard" during the perestroika era.
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| 5 |
ID:
031665
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| Publication |
Hants, Edward Elgar Publishing, 1989.
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| Description |
234p.
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| Standard Number |
1852781467
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031488 | 320.947/HIL 031488 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
071125
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| Publication |
Santa Monica, Rand Corporation, 1990.
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| Description |
xiii, 36p.
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| Standard Number |
0833010948
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033057 | 338.947009048/WOL 033057 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
002497
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| Publication |
Boston, Boston University, 1989.
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| Description |
x,133p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033931 | 320.947/BIT 033931 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
084523
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| 9 |
ID:
106347
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the Cold War recedes, it becomes increasingly difficult to imagine what might have been and to objectively assess the contribution of Gorbachev's leadership and his legacy. Quite apart from the loss of a historic opportunity to build a radically different post-Cold War international relations, it is that the West did so in large measure out of an inability to understand that this was what, at least by 1989-1990, was central to Gorbachev's diplomacy. By focusing on our victory of superior power, and ignoring the role of Gorbachev's ideas, we ensured that what followed would indeed continue to be dominated by power politics. Once again, realism helps create the world it purports only to describe. By spurning Gorbachev's potentially greatest legacy as a twentieth-century leader, we ensured that this legacy would indeed be considerably less that it might have been.
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| 10 |
ID:
089334
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines three dominant forms of national narratives concerning the fate of the Georgian nation: the old or classical narrative concerning the salvation and rescue of the Georgian nation despite imperial aggression; the narrative of the 'Rose Revolution' telling of the birth of a new nation; and a third narrative of the Georgian Christian Orthodox Church. The first narrative was favored by the old socialist intellectuals and has been eclipsed by the second narrative favored by 'new intellectuals'. Likewise the Orthodox narrative is not anchored on ancient Georgian churches but the new Shrine of the Trinity in Tbilisi. The paper argues that all three narratives embody realms of memory in Georgia and are vital to the understanding of impulses behind Georgian politics. It also suggests that Georgia has not so far undergone a full secularization in the Western sense and has been unable so far to construct new secular realms of memory though the old secular realms associated with the Shevardnadze era have been devalued. The article concludes by briefly discussing the significance of the Georgian intellectual Merab Mamardashvili whose grave in a common cemetery demonstrates the possibility of 'spontaneous' or 'vivid' memory.
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| 11 |
ID:
140141
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The spring of 2015 marked the 30th anniversary of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachevs policy of perestroika. A unique period in Russian history, the paradigm of the Soviet Unions development underwent a cardinal change in a peaceful fashion. In fact, the system of priorities was revised and new policy guidelines were identified. A powerful wave of enthusiasm and a sincere desire for change swept over society. Yet the disappointment was prompt and bitter. The reforms of the late 1980s ended in a profound socioeconomic crisis and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. We are still experiencing the aftershocks of those tectonic tremors and are asking the same, still unanswered, questions, while clashing in disputes that should have been finished years ago. Perestroika and its foreign policy remain underestimated in Russia. Until we take an impartial look at this crucial stage in Russia's development, I fear we will remain trapped in the vicious circle of historical doom.
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| 12 |
ID:
118432
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| 13 |
ID:
037915
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| Publication |
London, William collins sons & Co Ltd, 1987.
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| Description |
254p.
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| Standard Number |
0002156601
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029521 | 354.470854/GOR 029521 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
071650
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| Publication |
Santa Monica, Rand Corporation, 1990.
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| Description |
xiii, 96p.
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| Standard Number |
0833010670
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032438 | 355.8/ALE 032438 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
100821
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is fitting to measure Perestroika's impact through the contents of the leading political science association journals. The original Perestroika manifesto railed at the American Political Science Review (APSR), and many subsequent Perestroika protests condemned the skewed contents of the APSR, the American Journal of Political Science (AJPS), and the Journal of Politics. Large national and regional associations publish and pay for these journals. The position of Perestroika has been that their contents should represent the many types of research that political scientists are doing, which was not the case when the movement began.
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| 16 |
ID:
100822
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of the Perestroika movement in U.S. political science was an important moment in the contemporary history of our discipline, and as we approach the 10-year anniversary of this movement, it is fitting that PS should publish a retrospective symposium on its origins and significance.
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| 17 |
ID:
102013
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THREE YEARS out of five at the helm is not enough to sum up yet three years of Nicolas Sarkozy have stirred up the public and the analytical community enough to justify a summary. Why?
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| 18 |
ID:
100824
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the primary concerns driving Perestroika was the hegemony of quantitative methods in American political science research, curricula, journals, and positions, to the exclusion of qualitative and interpretive approaches. In this article, we assess the contemporary methodological diversity of U.S. political science, at the APSA in particular, to see what, if anything, has changed over the last 10 years. This is an admittedly rough assessment, as the deadline for this symposium did not allow time to repeat the research projects that started Perestroika's and our own solo and joint efforts, the latter preceding and then intersecting with the former. We therefore give a broad overview of methods-directed activities, although we cannot help but see events through the lens of our own involvement in them, and that view is perforce partial.
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| 19 |
ID:
100831
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 10 years, Perestroika has gone from a "raucous" forum discussing a wide range of issues to a largely moribund list that posts occasional jobs and attacks those who dare to bring up controversial topics. A good example of the decline of the list was illustrated by one participant's recent attempt to raise the issue of Glenn Beck's slander of Frances Fox Piven and the late Richard Cloward. The poster was attacked by some group members for "politicizing" Perestroika. These members claimed that the list was a no-politics zone for debating methodological issues. Since Glenn Beck did not hold a tenured position in the discipline, others felt that his ideas were not rational enough to warrant a response. Some on the list (perhaps with scant knowledge of left-wing media) proposed approaching Rachel Maddow, and while a few media outlets did take up this case, it never reached the main talkies. In the end, however, Perestroikans failed to stand up for the integrity of the free and wide-ranging discourse they claim to champion
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| 20 |
ID:
100793
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ten years ago this October, the members of the political science community might have heard a short, but quite fascinating, cri de coeur about the prevailing practices of the discipline in the United States at the turn of the century. Circulating as an e-mail message shortly after the 2000 APSA Annual Meeting, it popped up in the inboxes of a few political scientists and graduate students throughout the academy, who then quickly redirected its message to hundreds and then thousands of their colleagues. Signed "Mr. Perestroika," the e-mail's short passages bemoaned the profession of political science as it was unfolding under the allegedly misguided aegis of an "Orwellian system" of methodological formalism. Portraying the discipline as trapped in this intellectual cul de sac, Mr. Perestroika depicted an essentially degraded social science discipline that favored the political views of a "coterie" of "East Coast Brahmins" by ratifying their narrow methodological practices (cited in Monroe 2005, 9-11). Such practices, based mostly on "statistics or game theory," wrongly promoted a simplistic and, for far too many students of the state and society, discredited economic understanding of politics. This unenviable methodological parochialism in turn favored a style of "professional correctness" that froze out other political perspectives and analytical approaches (Luke 1999, 345-63) in the discipline's key journals, major organizations, and scholarly practices. For Mr. Perestroika, these distorted academic norms were also compromising the relevance, utility, and validity of political science as an applied social science.
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