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| 1 |
ID:
122684
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The role of USA in modern warfare has rapidly changed over the pats few years. Armed forces would wide are beginning to explore the possibilities offered by unmanned vehicles (UV) especially with respect to both sensors and weapons. The operational capabilities of UV are now demonstrated in accordance with the capability profiles. It should be noted that regardless in whatever capability category a UAS is used, a commander is always required to judge mission success under the aspect of mission accomplishment and survivability. UAS are not yet to be regarded as one way systems.
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| 2 |
ID:
173593
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| Summary/Abstract |
The present article has focused on the comparative study of adverse impact of forces and techniques of globalization in spreading corona virus in the world and the emergence of political conflict among India, China and USA. As we are aware about the fact that corona virus has created many challenges before the governments and no one is able to get solution of these challenges.
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| 3 |
ID:
124071
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
ABSTRACTThe article presents the author's comments on the preparedness of the U.S. Department of State's Foreign Policy Advisor (POLAD) program for a carrier strike group. The author states that the program is a response to the increasing demand for the interagency cooperation necessary to successfully pursue the missions of the Department of State as well as Defense, with more cross-fertilization and more interchange.
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| 4 |
ID:
124837
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between Afghanistan and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a relatively new area of research. This article discusses the interplay between Afghanistan, China and the SCO vis -vis the Bonn 2001 to Bonn 2011 conference. Afghanistan was granted observer status in 2012 in order to facilitate its integration in the wider region and lessen US- NATO influence in the country.
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| 5 |
ID:
124016
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the United States has signed on to reduce its nuclear arsenal, the U.S. sea-based missile force remains crucial in a world where deterrence still matters.
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| 6 |
ID:
051066
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| Publication |
London, Frank Cass, 2002.
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| Description |
xix, 362p.
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| Series |
Studies in air power
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| Standard Number |
0714682578
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048001 | 358.4009/COX 048001 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
123792
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2013.
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The range of potentially looming or very real threats is broad, as are the assets already used today, be it, Iran's underground nuclear enrichment sites or Islamist irregulars in Toyotas. This survey is a stroll through recent selected developments in modern air to ground weapons (ATGW) countering these threats.
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| 8 |
ID:
124336
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To know what the Albanian National Question (ANQ) is, one should learn it not from what its neighbors, namely Serbia and Greece, have to say, but from a more direct and reliable source, the voice of the Albanians themselves. No nation is in a position in which it can express in a realistic way the needs, rights and aspirations of a different nation in the same way as an individual cannot be an exact representative for anyone but himself. For many years the Western countries used to rely on either Serbian or Greek lenses for the ANQ. In the late 1990s the U.S.-led intervention against Serbia over Kosovo on humanitarian grounds and the Albanian insurgency in Macedonia has contributed to an altered power balance in the region. The neighbors frightened by the power shift in the Southern Balkans use their propaganda machinery to express the danger posed by the alleged Greater Albania scheme in order to demonize and morally downgrade the ANQ. However, one can easily see that Albanians since the creation of their state have not, are not, and will not pursue an irredentist agenda toward their neighbors.
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| 9 |
ID:
166164
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| 10 |
ID:
131823
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered over 12 years. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much-probably almost all you need to know-about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the USA pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts.
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| 11 |
ID:
125643
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rebuilding of the Turkish naval forces command's specialist amphibious shipping capability is running hand in hand with efforts to develop the indigenous maritime industrial base.
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| 12 |
ID:
123976
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What will the future hold in an atmosphere of rolling Arab crises and a U.S. shift of focus on the Pacific region?
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| 13 |
ID:
158779
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| 14 |
ID:
089216
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While highly sensitive to embarrassment by us, the British exhibit a distressing lack of sympathy for the discomfiture to which we are exposed because of our association with them.1
Being for the most part abysmally ignorant, [Americans] are convinced that, as a result of the British Empire being kept together, the toilers of overseas are burdened with taxes for the benefit of the degenerate dukes in the metropolis.2
The close diplomatic relationship between Britain and the United States during the Second World War continues to inspire historical interest, much of it coalescing around the mixture of cooperation and discord that underscored the relationship. The received historical view is that the most significant disagreement between the Atlantic powers was the future of the colonial order in general and the status of the British Empire most especially. Washington and London's fundamental antagonism over the principles of postwar trusteeship and self-determination emerges virtually as a historiographical truism, evidenced by the florid and deeply divergent rhetorical positions taken by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill themselves.3 Turning to America's relationship with the objects of decolonization, however, it is evident that in many cases the U.S. commitment to freedom for oppressed peoples did not live up to the ideals espoused. From this angle, the Anglo-American disagreement over colonialism opens broader questions about the sources of U.S. foreign policy itself and the political constraints of its implementation. Did American strategic imperatives outweigh ideals that were genuinely held in the case of colonial self-determination? Was the rhetoric of decolonization purely instrumental? Or, as Michael H. Hunt has contended, was the "ideology" of U.S. foreign policy multifaceted, incorporating notions of racial hierarchy and an antipathy to revolutionary change as well as the much-valorized commitment to freedom, such that decision makers were at key moments highly amenable to the colonial status quo?
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| 15 |
ID:
124210
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite strong shared interests and their dependence on US assistance, Kabul and Islamabad frequently fail to cooperate with the USA's post-9/11 security agenda. Why doesn't the USA have more leverage in these alliances and what can it change to be more influential? This article identifies four structural factors in Washington's alliances in Afghanistan and Pakistan ('Af-Pak') contributing to Washington's lack of coercive power: 1) the USA's interest makes coercion difficult; 2) Kabul and Islamabad have more invested and will bargain to protect their interests; 3) the form of US commitment (an intense but explicitly temporary military commitment) produces incentives for Kabul and Islamabad to adopt short-term solutions, frequently running against US interests; and 4) the tenets of counterinsurgency policy cause Washington to be politically dependent on Kabul and Islamabad, effectively reducing its influence.
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| 16 |
ID:
123811
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article evaluates several defense products including the Excalibur, a 155 mm extended range guided artillery shell developed by Tucson, Arizona-based Raytheon Missile Systems Co., the 120mm Precision Extended Range Mortar (PERM) made for the U.S. armed forces by Alliant Techsystems Inc. and the new trajectory correction system from General Directorate for Armament, a French government defense procurement agency.
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| 17 |
ID:
123884
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, the author discusses strategic defense initiative for cyberspace citing reference to an address delivered by U.S. President Barack Obama who warned people of consequences of cyber-attacks. Also discussed is an announcement made by the cyber security company Mandiant Corp. accusing China of a sponsored campaigns of cyber-espionage.
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| 18 |
ID:
148635
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| 19 |
ID:
125567
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The overthrow of Libyan leader Muammar Ghadaffi in 2011 prompted a flood of weapons into north Africa and the Middle East. Cameron Scott investigates the rise of illicit arms trafficking and its effects on regional stability.
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| 20 |
ID:
138926
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| Summary/Abstract |
Asia is not only the world’s most dynamic region in terms of trade, it is also an important pacesetter in trade policy. The USA is currently negotiating with 11 partner countries over a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the members of the ASEAN+6 group are in talks over a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), while Japan, China and Korea are conducting trilateral trade negotiations (China-Japan-Korea Free Trade Agreement (CJK FTA)). The multilateral structures emerging from all these initiatives could, in the long term, be combined into a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). What are the motives behind these agreements? What are their chances of being implemented? When it comes to the trade and geopolitical power struggle that encompasses these talks, does the USA or China have the upper hand? And what role remains for Europe’s trade policy?
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