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| 1 |
ID:
084212
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| 2 |
ID:
114677
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers an intellectual history of theoretical work devoted to explaining asymmetric conflict outcomes since World War II. Three factors are critical to understanding how the literature has evolved. First, the concept of "asymmetric conflict" encompasses a number of overlapping literatures, including insurgency, terrorism, counterinsurgency, and most recently, civil wars. Second, and interrelated, the field of inquiry has been unproductively divided between military and academic thinkers, with insufficient engagement between the two communities. Third, the popularity of the field of inquiry following the events of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent American-led military operations in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) have resulted in analyses that are empirically rich, but have provided little in the way of theoretical advances. The conclusion offers an overall assessment of the field of inquiry into asymmetric conflict outcomes, suggested directions for future research, and a table of major contributors to the literature, their key questions, case universes, intended contributions, and theoretical limitations.
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| 3 |
ID:
142795
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The development of strategic technology capabilities, especially in the defense and national security-related domains, is one of the highest priorities of the Chinese authorities in the 21st Century and is regarded as a core pillar of China's rising national power and prestige. At the center of efforts to develop these core technologies is the strategic innovation system, which is made up of an elite collection of major organizational actors that straddle across the political, economic, industrial, national security, and science and technology systems. This article examines the rise, decline, and re-emergence of the Chinese strategic innovation system over the past six decades. Key topics that are scrutinized include the defense industry, the 863 High-Technology Research and Development Program, the 2006-2020 Medium- & Long-Term Science and Technology Development Plan, and the Strategic Emerging Industries initiative.
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| 4 |
ID:
117614
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2012.
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In the post-9/11 world, the current US counterterrorism efforts in the Af-Pak region and the terror attacks on Indian cities have prompted India and the US to cooperate more closely on counterterrorism concerns. However, this counterterrorism cooperation is not commensurate with the comprehensive Indo-US strategic partnership. This apparent lack of cooperation plays out in their approach toward terrorism and bureaucratic impasse. India and the US need to make use of the trust and confidence that they have built in their bilateral relationship, readjust their perspectives on the threat of terrorism, understand each other's core national security interests that shape their respective anti-terrorism goals, and make counterterrorism an important module in their 'strategic partnership' to tackle terrorism at the domestic, regional and global levels.
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| 5 |
ID:
157244
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Arms control helped maintain strategic stability during the Cold War. However, after the end of the Cold War, the concept of strategic stability has ceased to be a hostage to the Soviet-U.S. confrontation and the nuclear arms race between the two countries. This concept now includes additional international players and security threats. As a result, Russia and the U.S. have different views on factors that affect strategic stability, and the boundaries of this concept have become blurred. Gone is a common understanding of strategic stability, along with a general understanding of the need for arms control as a factor for this stability. In Russian-U.S. relations stability should be reset at several tactical levels, or at least the parties should implement the idea of "tactical stability" as a new conceptual basis for bilateral arms control.
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| 6 |
ID:
188813
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Since the partition of the subcontinent in 1947, the geopolitics of South Asia has been shaped by a dynamic triangular relationship among Afghanistan, India and Pakistan on which depend prospects of peace, governance and stability in the South Asian region. This article examines how and why the Afghanistan–India–Pakistan triangle emerged and how it affects the entire South Asian region as a matter of geopolitics. The article also analyses why major strategic and political shifts occurred in these complex relations after the fall of the Taliban rule in Afghanistan in 2001 and ventures to provide some comments on more recent developments. The evolution and nature of the triangular engagements lie in the overlapping policies of these three countries. Hence, I identify their interactions as constituting a dynamic triangle. This article argues that strategic positioning and concerns and claims for political space have shaped their relationship to such an extent that if something bad happens in one of the three countries, this affects the position of the other two as well. That is why the current re-alignments in Afghanistan have crucial implications for the whole region, not just in terms of their respective foreign policy objectives but also for the long-term harmony, peace, progress and stability in the whole region.
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| 7 |
ID:
084882
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2008.
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The relationship between Japan and India has been influenced by the international power configuration over time. In the early post-War period, both countries embraced idealistic moor-ings about how the world should be. In due course of time, the United States (US) alliance system put Japan in the western camp of Cold War power politics while India followed a policy of non-alignment. However, with the end of the Cold War and the transformation of Asia into a composite power playground, India and Japan have developed a much closer relationship. The relative decline of America's strategic interest towards the East Asian region and the changing dynamics of security in Asia have forced Japan to search for new partners in Asia, culminat-ing in the present strategic partnership with India. It is in this context that this article probes Indo-Japanese relations by analysing their economic, political and strategic facets.
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| 8 |
ID:
084886
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| 9 |
ID:
142165
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With a few notable exceptions,1 it has become almost conventional wisdom to assume that a nuclear Iran is bad for its immediate neighbors, the wider Middle East region, and even the world.2 Such logic suggests that even an Iran with a nascent nuclear program would be emboldened in its meddling in Middle Eastern geopolitical affairs, present a serious, perhaps existential, threat to Israel and others, and could potentially lead to a nuclear-proliferation cascade among its immediate regional rivals. There is almost certainly some truth to these claims — and few people see an Iran armed with nuclear weapons as a good thing or something that should be welcomed. That said, much of the current debate has ignored or glossed over some of the other important geopolitical dynamics that have been driven by Iranian actions during the past decade: actions that have in fact been broadly positive for regional security and stability. As a result, if a comprehensive deal on the nuclear program cannot be reached by the June 30 deadline, the strategic implications of latent or even a nuclear-armed Iran may not be as catastrophic as some have suggested and more subtle than many fear.
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| 10 |
ID:
115389
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| Publication |
Surrey, IHS Global Limited, 2012.
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| Description |
503p.
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| Standard Number |
9780710630216
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056834 | 623.4519/LEN 056834 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
135733
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Surrey, IHS Jane's, IHS Global Limited, 2014.
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| Description |
xxvi, 434p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780710631077
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058033 | 623.4519/LEN 058033 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 12 |
ID:
149221
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Surrey, IHS Global Limited, 2016.
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| Description |
490p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780710631916
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058892 | 623.4519/OHA 058892 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
157316
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indo-Pacific has been used in the field of marine and oceanography for a long time and has a wide acceptance among the oceanographers as representing a ‘bio-geographic’ region comprising the waters of the Indian Ocean and the Western and Central Pacific Ocean.
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| 14 |
ID:
074654
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United States, Department of Defence, 1985.
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| Description |
78p.;appendix
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 025845 | 358.174/REP 025845 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
124402
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political landscape of Sudan, the former largest country of Africa in terms of territory, has witnessed a dramatic change with the January 2011 referendum in South Sudan followed by the official division of the country into two separate independent entities on July 9, 2011, thereby sealing the fate of North and South Sudan. Such a situation presents crucial challenges not only to warring forces in war-driven Darfur but also to major foreign investors such as China; hence the relevance of this paper that seeks to first provide an in-depth analysis of the role of Sudan in Beijing s foreign policy prior to South Sudan s secession before examining the implications that South Sudan s secession might have on the one hand, on the Darfurian political stance towards the Al-Bashir regime and, on the other hand, on Chinese strategic policy options vis-à-vis the region.
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| 16 |
ID:
075458
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| 17 |
ID:
156735
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| 18 |
ID:
168958
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Informed by strategic narrative theorisation and cognitive metaphor theory refined and expanded, this paper analyses textual and pictorial instantiations of cognitive metaphors used to describe and explain the trajectory of Ukraine’s development and form a particular narrative of this movement. Both narrative and cognitive metaphor are considered as tools for navigating experience and serving to construe its subjective images. The study focuses on the ways these tools were used by Ukrainian print media (eight influential outlets) in 2016. The outcomes demonstrate how a coherent strategic macronarrative of Ukraine’s course of development emerges from metaphoric images that survive semiotic mode changes, alternating between textual and pictorial. The macronarrative is that of Ukraine on a hero’s journey towards the European Union – a journey with political and economic implications for both Ukraine and the EU.
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| 19 |
ID:
085474
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The arrival of a new US administration in 2009 is a swinging door with respect to opportunities for Russian-American cooperation in strategic nuclear arms reductions and nonproliferation. Both US presidential candidates in 2008 supported nuclear abolition as a theoretically desirable goal, and the Obama administration will certainly pursue nuclear arms reductions consistent with already agreed, or lower, levels. Missile defenses complicate US-Russian relations on this issue, but they pose negotiable, not insurmountable, barriers to further arms reductions and strategic stability.
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| 20 |
ID:
084945
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