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| 1 |
ID:
155375
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the development and early politics of the Dalit Panther Iyakkam (DPI), or Dalit Panther Movement, of Tamil Nadu, India. Established in 1982, the DPI advanced a political programme that petitioned state authorities qua democratic citizens. By submitting written appeals through formal institutional channels, DPI organisers lobbied officials to perform their professional duties and advocated the delivery of rights, impartial administration of law, and equitable access to social and economic development. This article explores the initial phase of Dalit Panther politics in Tamil Nadu through its own documentary evidence, drawing upon DPI Chairman A. Malaichamy’s personal letters, written appeals, and received correspondence, as well as original pamphlets and handbills distributed at political rallies. Countering interpretations of Dalit assertion that accentuate ‘illiberal’ techniques as its natural form and state welfare as its principle target, the article shows that legal advocacy served as an integral feature of early DPI politics. But, when state institutions proved unresponsive and the movement developed a grassroots presence, DPI activists expanded their programme to encompass contentious street politics as a complementary means to make claims on state authority, amplify their voices to centres of power, and demand recognition as democratic citizens.
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| 2 |
ID:
179522
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 1988, New Caledonia, a sui generis French territory in the Pacific, has experienced increasing autonomy in preparation for a vote on full sovereignty. Beginning in 2018, a series of up to three referenda will determine the future of this archipelago. Although New Caledonians have benefited from ongoing association with France and indigenous Kanak have garnered greater political representation, significant inequalities among ethnic communities persist. Pro-independence Kanak nationalists push for greater political control through a frozen referendum electorate to rebalance indigenous power lost during colonization. At the same time, anti-independence loyalists resent some of the special rights gained by the Kanak because of the decolonization process. The ability and right to express self-determination by voting on the upcoming referendum on sovereignty and defining a new citizenship is intimately tied to issues of inequality and the independence debate. Building on the conceptual framework associated with islandian sovereignty, this paper examines how the rebalancing discourse is a product of internal inequalities that challenge the benefits of subnational island jurisdiction (SNIJ) status. A closer examination of political narratives surrounding the sovereignty debate offers insight into how New Caledonian politicians are using electoral categories, voter eligibility and citizenship to rebalance inequalities.
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| 3 |
ID:
177553
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper discusses the principles behind the 1961 Sikkim Subject Regulation, the first citizenship law framed in Sikkim. It explores the historical construction of the entanglement of ‘ancestrality’ with land property and political membership, which is central to the issue of citizenship in Sikkim today. It shows how categories of citizens were formed in colonial and post-colonial time, in particular the division between ‘natives’ (Bhutia and Lepcha) and ‘settlers’ (Sikkimese Nepalis). With the revision of the Regulation in 1962, land property and ‘ancestral’ settlement became central criteria to acquire Sikkim Subject status. The paper shows how land property have become a materialisation of belonging to the place, and highlights the inequalities that the dependency created between insidedness and land property engendered. It also argues that a sole analysis of these inequalities in terms of ethnicity is insufficient by showing that other factors have taken part in forming them.
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| 4 |
ID:
138934
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proceeds from a photograph. It does so to begin an investigation of the diverse sites within and beyond it, and the reflections of several enactments of nation, culture, belonging and non-belonging. The image in question depicts a group of children waving flags. It is an old photograph, possibly removed from our ‘present’, though it holds within it multi-temporal spaces into which we might enter. The aim of this article is to do just that – to enter the image, armed with all the things a researcher gathers in terms of background data, narratives and contexts, and examine the complex negotiations enacted within and beyond it. How does this group of flag-waving children impact on us today? This article explores the extent to which an understanding of a temporal enactment of nation in displacement might reflect on contemporary negotiations of citizenship, culture and representation.
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| 5 |
ID:
159867
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| Summary/Abstract |
The burgeoning influence of liberal market economy coupled with a ‘good governance’ paradigm across post-communist and post-colonial states emphasizes a market concept of equality, while turning ‘citizens’ into ‘customers’. This trend has been further accentuated by the massive inlets of Information Communication Technologies into governance mechanisms having a significant impact on the ways of governmentality and thereby on the substance and processes of documenting citizenship. It is in this wider context of intersecting economic and political changes that this paper captures the shifting regimes of citizenship in India as manifested through the processes of Unique Identification, or Aadhaar scheme, an initiative by the Government of India that seeks to give every Indian resident a unique identity documentation. Although Aadhaar does not authenticate citizen identity, nonetheless, in its promise to build a ‘national grid’ of identity information infrastructure, it indicates a meta-structure of a new inclusion/exclusion paradigm of citizen formation in India that appears to reinvent early liberal values of civic republicanism based on property rights. Rather than assessing the merits of this scheme, this paper demonstrates how new technologies of governmentality could impact the citizenship regime in India while keeping with the demands of a growing neo-liberal political economy.
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| 6 |
ID:
025783
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| Publication |
Tennessee, Vanderbilt Univiersity, 1968.
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| Description |
viii, 225p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004654 | 323.042/PRA 004654 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
145867
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| Summary/Abstract |
British Muslims have confronted numerous challenges since 9/11 which have rendered their citizenship ‘precarious’ and ‘contingent’, including rampant Islamophobia and a disproportionate impact from tighter security and immigration measures. Additionally, they are also disadvantaged by new forms of governance which promote ‘active citizenship’ based on both neoliberal and resurgent nationalist demands for citizens to be more self-reliant as welfare provision shrinks. This article explores how young British Muslim civil society activists negotiate some of these challenges by analysing their discourses on citizenship and belonging. Based on an ethnographic study, it is suggested that despite experiencing exclusion and marginalisation, young Muslim activists incarnate active citizenship but with reference to a very different set of values and priorities in contrast to nationalist and neoliberal normative ideas. Demonstrating a strong commitment to civic responsibility and participation, these young Muslims defy fears that negative associations with Britishness weaken the value and relevance of citizenship.
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| 8 |
ID:
106719
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article seeks to explain the resilience of India's democracy in terms of the persistence of significant legislative output and policy continuity despite noisy adversarial politics. The article analyses this argument on the basis of a comparison of two different national regimes - one by the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government (NDA), 1999-2004, and the other by the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), 2004-2009. Despite their rather different approaches to citizenship - the former, based on Hindu nationalism, and the latter, a more inclusive, 'secular' conception of citizenship - there is considerable convergence in legislative regimes, institutions to safeguard the interest of minorities and public subsidy for the Haj pilgrimage. Turning subjects into citizens - no doubt with a sharp eye to their electoral potential - has become accepted practice by both competing coalitions. Despite its occasional breakdown, the paradoxical juxtaposition of adversarial politics and policy continuity is achieved because of the existence of a broad inter-party consensus on one coherent and meaningful citizenship regime and the high trust in which mediating institutions like the Supreme Court and the Election Commission are held.
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| 9 |
ID:
169338
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The Alevi question in Turkey is not only about a manifestation of the demands for religious freedoms and pluralism but also an issue of citizenship at least for the last three decades. This article argues that as a result of the rise of the Alevi identity and collective capacity of the Alevis to formulate demands in the national and international public spheres, the issue has increasingly turned to a matter of struggle for the long-denied equal citizenship rights of the Alevis in Turkey. Expected failure of workshops process, namely Alevi Opening, during the second term of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) period increasingly brought a sense of the disappointment among the Alevi organizations due to the fact that the issue was not managed with a perspective based on equal citizenship rights but with a discussion on the authenticity and originality of the Alevi demands. Enduring silence for the solution of the Alevi question in the last decade would lead Alevi organizations to the search for the extension of the self-creation of the survival mechanisms without the state support. This paper, within these considerations, is based on the demands of the Alevi society in Turkey and their struggle for the legal recognition, which increasingly challenged the Turkish form of secularism and citizenship regimes today.
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| 10 |
ID:
190938
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the relationship of a migrant community with the state in a borderland. The relationship between the Indian state and Chinese-origin migrants in post-colonial Assam can be characterised by two themes: control and resilience. On the one hand, the state tried to control the community through strict bureaucratic procedures. On the other hand, the Chinese community showed resilience by adhering to or negotiating with the control mechanisms. This article also seeks to understand the nationality and citizenship issues of community members, in particular the second and third generations of migrants. In this article, I argue that ambiguities of citizenship status, and the state’s reluctance or negligence in resolving their citizenship issues, had grave consequences for the community as they had to struggle for their fundamental rights. This issue of ambiguous citizenship caused severe unrest in the region in the later decades, which could also have been avoided.
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| 11 |
ID:
119985
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Irregular migration gives rise to political claims that test the limits of political community and the expression of human rights in an increasingly interconnected world. This article provides a theorisation of the political claims of irregular migrants that starts with the notion of ambivalence. I argue that the ambivalence present in such claims can be understood as a political resource that is generative of new political relations across the terrain of human mobility and border control. In order to discern the generative quality of ambivalence, I argue in addition for an approach to theory production that is grounded in concrete migrant struggles. The argument is made via a critique of two theoretical perspectives that are influential amongst scholars working at the intersection of Migration Studies and Political and International Theory: the work of Giorgio Agamben and the 'Autonomy of Migration'. An approach that avoids the reductive accounts of power evident in both perspectives provides a better starting point from which to assess the transformative potential of irregular migrants' political claims.
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| 12 |
ID:
087032
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The code of citizenship marks out the "other," continually reproducing and re-inscribing it through legal and judicial pronouncement in a relationship of contradictory cohabitation. The relationship is, however, not one of exclusion or simple opposition, but rather that of forclusion, where the outsider is present discursively and constitutively in delineations of citizenship. This article examines the manner in which the process of forclusion unfolded in the delineation of citizenship in Assam, in northeastern India, in particular in the contests around the Illegal Migrants Determination by Tribunal Act [IMDT] of 1983, and the complex reconfiguration of political forces and power relations between the Center and the state of Assam on the question of definition and identification of illegal migrants. The authors examine the contests over the IMDT Act, in the context of the elections in Assam in 1983, the Assam Accord of 1985, and the Supreme Court Judgment in August 2005 striking it down. They show how the illegality/alien-ness of the migrant became central to the construction of the Assamese identity in the 1980s and how the illegal migrant and the IMDT Act figured in precarious relationships of consensus and antagonism depending on the nature of political/electoral contests between the Center and state governments.
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| 13 |
ID:
177551
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| Summary/Abstract |
This is the introduction to a special issue of Asian Ethnicity that includes six papers on the issue of citizenship in the Indian state of Sikkim, from the perspectives of anthropology, political science, sociology and history. These contributions explore the entanglement of migration and ethnicity that defines political membership and exclusion in Sikkim, as it does in other parts of India. They give a central place to the consequences of the combination of the 1961 Sikkim Subject regulation (that remained valid after Sikkim became a part of India in 1975) and ‘group-differentiated citizenship’ in a context where Sikkim’s population – formed through people’s mobility within a region that has long been a crossroads between Nepal, Tibet, Bhutan and India – was brought into the frame of a territorial concept of the nation. These papers also explore the means used by people in Sikkim to contest their categorisation by the state.
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| 14 |
ID:
115225
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent decades, Dutchness has become an intensely debated issue in Dutch public sphere. The article problematises the labelling of nations and nationalisms that occurs in public and academic understandings of these developments. Craig Calhoun's concept of discursive formation is argued to be more fruitful for understanding the recent contestations over Dutchness. Yet Calhoun's theory is itself in need of elaboration. Whereas Calhoun proposes to focus on the extent to which nations are constructed as publics of highly differentiated members, it is precisely this image that is central to an exclusionary discourse of Dutchness and enables the exclusion of cultural others from the Dutch imaginary. By analysing the enactment of Dutchness through discourses on citizenship, the surprising congruence of pluralism and exclusion in the Dutch context is explored.
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| 15 |
ID:
175418
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the 1990s, there has been an upsurge in conflicts of autochthony in several parts of the world. Autochthony invokes a sense of a politics of belonging and an attachment to the land. In Nigeria, the phenomenon raises questions of citizenship and can reinforce exclusionary practices which in turn provoke widespread violence between different Nigerian populations. Infrastructure provision in a communal conflict environment is a critical element of autochthony struggle, which has yet to be fully explored. Relying on archival sources, focus group discussions, interviews and observation, this article interrogates how the interactions between autochthony and space stimulates communal conflicts and affect infrastructure provision in Jos, Nigeria. The article focuses on how the ‘Black September’ incident in 2001 and its aftermath in Jos has defined citizenship. It argues that the politics of belonging is embedded in infrastructure provision, and understanding this relationship is crucial to understanding and addressing the conflicts in Jos and beyond.
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| 16 |
ID:
140964
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| Summary/Abstract |
I argue that self-organisation cannot account for how grassroots struggles can pursue transnational political change. I develop an account of some ‘left arts of government’ through which resistance is facilitated and organised without reintroducing oppressive and hierarchical forms of rule. I do so by focusing on the practices of autonomous peasant mobilisations. Land occupation movements facilitate the ability of people to engage in ongoing resistance on their own behalf. They organise resistance through horizontal communication and through transnational networks involving representative structures. Finally, peasant mobilisations engage with states and international institutions to solidify gains made.
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| 17 |
ID:
189928
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| Summary/Abstract |
Research suggests that marginalized groups can use military service to win greater governmental and social acceptance by using civic republican rhetoric, however, conditions in which claims-making rhetoric is coercive are underspecified. Because rhetorical effectiveness requires sympathetic ears, we examine the influence of (1) expectations and political efforts of marginalized group members seeking greater acceptance, (2) whether majority group economic status is outpacing marginalized groups seeking improved treatment, and (3) whether marginalized groups have influential military veterans from majority groups as allies. We apply these factors to explain the claims-making failure of German Jews following the First World War and the success of African Americans after the Second World War. From the African American case, we also conclude that military service led to greater socio-political inclusion and rights based on development of future political actors through leadership development processes and inter-group contact, especially regarding Presidents Truman and Eisenhower.
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| 18 |
ID:
092154
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the August War of 2008, many Western governments that had previously been supporters of Georgia tempered their views on the causes of the conflict and moderated their support for the government of Mikhal Saakashvili. By contrast, the governments of several post-communist countries were forthright in their backing of Georgia. The presidents or prime ministers of Poland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, as well as Ukraine, even travelled to Georgia during the war to demonstrate their solidarity.
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| 19 |
ID:
071443
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| Publication |
Sapporo, Slavic Research Center, 2006.
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| Description |
xiii, 411p.
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| Standard Number |
4938637383
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051200 | 341.0947/IED 051200 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
103543
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The proposed introduction of National Citizen Service (NCS) by the Conservative party survived the negotiations with the Liberal Democrats and forms part of the coalition's policy agenda. The idea forms part of the concern of Cameronian Conservatives to create a big society, based primarily upon volunteering and civil engagement. Drawing upon comparisons with state and private sector-led models of citizen volunteering in Germany and the United States, this article explores the evolving rationale for the introduction of NCS and evaluates the issues and pitfalls which may arise.
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