| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
121414
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Although very much an international novice, Canada secured election to the League Council in September 1927. It did not, on the whole, have a notable impact on its proceedings. Its people, too, were little moved by its presence at Geneva. And while its Prime minister enjoyed his one visit to the League, his scepticism about it remained undimmed. Nonetheless, its three-year Council term had a number of important consequences. It engineered what was on the face of it a significant amendment to League procedures regarding minorities. The experience and horizons of its Department of External affairs were widened. It became accepted that a Dominion-or India-should always sit on the Council. Its status-and that of the other Dominions-as states equal with Britain was underlined. And by demonstrating that it was not in Britain's pocket, Canada's political standing was greatly enhanced. Internationally, it had arrived.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
129967
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article expands the research on abnormalisation and the construction of social deviance of minorities. It focuses on the relationships between state practices, policies and expert knowledge addressing the Roma in Italy; it does so by first contextualising recent ethnographic findings on Turin authorities' social inclusion practices addressing Roma within the history of national and regional policies for Roma; it then contextualises those policies within the history of expert knowledge about Roma. Unlike what other studies on abnormalisation suggest, we argue that the abnormalisation of Roma in Italy is not primarily predicated upon the idea that they are at present unfit to follow the norms of the majority; rather, it stays upon a historically rooted representation of Roma oscillating between the poles of potential re-educability and potential dangerousness. In the conclusion we encourage further comparative research on abnormalisation, especially including practices and knowledge addressing other European minorities such as the Jews.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
024582
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New York, John Wiley and Sons, 1972.
|
| Description |
x, 367p.
|
| Standard Number |
0471258873
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010586 | 305.568/FIN 010586 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
119976
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
057920
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
054958
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
090419
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Following the five days' war between Georgia and Russia, a highly politicized debate began about 'who started the war'. While this debate is far from over, it is important to analyse whether the 2008 war marks an important evolution in the series of conflicts that started in the Caucasus simultaneously with the weakening and collapse of the Soviet Union. While in the late 1980s and early 1990s the conflicts were the result of mass mobilization around the banner of the nation, marking a revolutionary period of paradigm shifts, the 2008 war was much closer to classical wars between states and their centrally commanded armies. The direct Russian military intervention, Moscow's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as 'independent' states, further modifies the nature of the Caucasus conflicts. The 2008 war also reveals how much the Georgian state has evolved since the Rose Revolution, from one described as 'weak state' to a state capable of surviving a military defeat without internal collapse.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
021107
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Winter 2001.
|
| Description |
113-141
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
051744
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
DelhI, Shipra Publications, 2004.
|
| Description |
184p.
|
| Standard Number |
8175411651
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:2/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048284 | 320.95492/DAT 048284 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
| 048285 | 320.95492/DAT 048285 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
080567
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper focuses on the relation between state policies and ethnicisation in the borderland of Bengal. On the basis of a case study of the lowland Garos of Bangladesh, the paper argues that attempts by the successor states of Bengal, East Pakistan and Bangladesh to 'other', and even 'exclude', the Garos have significantly impacted on Garo self-perception and organisation, resulting in the formation of a close-knit ethnic community. The paper focuses on three twentieth-century episodes in the lives of the lowland Garos. The first is the 1936 British administrative reorganisation of Mymensingh District which resulted in the emergence of a notion of a separate Garo homeland in Bengal. The second is the mass exodus of Garos across the international border into the Indian hills which took place in 1964. This traumatic experience pushed the Garos to unify. The third is the Independence War of 1971 and the birth of Bangladesh. All three episodes are directly related to state policies which excluded the Garos (as well as the neighbouring minorities) from the dominant discourse of Bengali/Bangladeshi citizenship. The paper concludes that the Garos of Bangladesh are a close-knit ethnic community - not in spite of these state attitudes - but rather as an outcome of them
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
068581
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
052360
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
000553
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Aldershot, Ashgate, 1998.
|
| Description |
xx, 356p.
|
| Standard Number |
1840148934
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 041942 | 325/BAU 041942 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
046845
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Minority Rights Group International, 2002.
|
| Description |
44p.
|
| Standard Number |
1897693591
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045728 | 959.106/SMI 045728 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
152479
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article discusses from an anthropological point of view the reasons why minorities tend to find themselves at the center of tensions in Central-Eastern Europe. It presents an idea that the answer to the question lays in the “human side” of the regional politics. In human experiential terms, the political “character” of the region and the image of ethnic minorities as political phenomena are both grounded in memory of suffering and victimization. Because of the historical and experiential circumstances, it became a basis for identity formation, perpetuating the regional tensions. However, such victimized identity can be hijacked and abused both by the actors themselves and the external forces.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
094136
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Department of Defense has always sought a socially representative enlisted force, especially with respect to African American and Hispanic minorities. Ideally, in a democratic society a military force should be representative of the nation it defends. African American overrepresentation was a major concern during the first decade of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF), while Hispanics were underrepresented. During the 1980s black representation stabilized and Hispanics began to increase, especially with respect to enlistments. Starting in the 1990s, black representation began to decline, followed more recently by declines among Hispanics. This article examines changes in minority representation since the inception of the AVF in 1973 and argues that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have played a significant role in recent changes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
089667
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The rioting by Uighurs in Xinjiang's capital Urumqi in early July has put the spotlight back on China's handling of its ethnic minority regions. Coming just over a year after a similar outburst in Lhasa, the incident shows that hardline policies designed to suppress dissent have fostered bitter resentment that periodically erupts. However, it would be a mistake to interpret this as a sign that China's control over Tibet and Xinjiang are unraveling. Rather the incidents should be put into a broader context of rising tensions within the broader society.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
137529
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
For all the tremendous change China has experienced in recent decades—phenomenal economic growth, improved living standards, and an ascent to great-power status—the country has made little progress when it comes to the treatment of its ethnic minorities, most of whom live in China’s sparsely populated frontier regions. This is by no means a new problem. Indeed, one of those regions, Tibet, represents one of the “three Ts”—taboo topics that the Chinese government has long forbidden its citizens to discuss openly. (The other two are Taiwan and the Tiananmen Square uprising of 1989.)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
066640
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
080971
|
|
|