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| 1 |
ID:
159413
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ever since the formation of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC) in 1985, the motivation for the expansion of the Association has been
expressed by its founding members. The prospective expansion comes naturally
to international organisations (IOs), visible in the increase in membership of
the European Union (EU) from six to 28 European countries. Similarly, the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has doubled its membership
since its inception. SAARC membership grew in 2007, with the inclusion of
Afghanistan. Yet, there is limited assessment on the opportunities and challenges
that have arisen since Afghanistan’s arrival in SAARC 10 years ago. This article
provides an evaluation of Afghanistan within SAARC, and a further comparison
to processes of enlargement in the EU and ASEAN. It is argued that Afghanistan’s
membership poses significant challenges for SAARC, owing to its political instability.
Its stature as a war-torn country has meant that it has failed to prioritise its role
in the Association. Furthermore, the membership of Afghanistan has significantly
contributed to the conflict relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan, further
constraining SAARC processes and agendas.
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| 2 |
ID:
140036
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| 3 |
ID:
163936
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| 4 |
ID:
124766
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the arrival of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) amid the rapid arms race in South Asia. It analyzes the stability and instability prospects linked to the arrival of and dependence on TNWs. It states that TNW is a murky term that confronts a definitional issue. Although TNW has not been used yet, it entails the risk of its use on the battlefield in the event of a limited war. Conceptually, this sets the stage for an interesting debate on whether or not the arrival of TNWs is stabilizing for the South Asian region, which has confronted many wars and minor border skirmishes during pre- and post-nuclear periods. Since it is viewed that a possible limited military escalation to a nuclear level may not be ruled out and the arrival of TNWs has become a reality, the article concludes that a centralized command and control system bolstered with the non-deployed deterring posture of TNWs is the immediate solution to avert the related worries of pre-delegation, force protection, and the use-or-lose dilemma. It is expected that, learning from their nuclear predecessors, the South Asian nuclear leadership would practice restraint, remain rational, and call for the need of political trust and military reassurances to avert nuclear weapon use.
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| 5 |
ID:
081424
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| 6 |
ID:
054428
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| 7 |
ID:
137896
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| Summary/Abstract |
THOUGH SOME MAY HAVE APPROACHED the centenary of the outbreak of World War One with a certain superstitious foreboding, 2014 in Asia was a pretty good year. As Xi Jinping put it in his May 21 address to the CICA (Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia), ‘‘Asia today, though facing more risks and challenges, is still the most dynamic and promising region in the world.’’1 Economically, Asia remains the fastest growing region, averaging an estimated 6.1% GDP growth for the year, and the forecasting consensus predicts an even better next year. This is an impressive performance in the wake of the global 2009–13 slowdown and particularly the recent cooling of the Chinese locomotive. Politically, the headline for the year is democratic resilience, with relatively honest elections in Afghanistan, India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and (jumping a few days into 2015) Sri Lanka. As for international security, on the other hand, it was a year of rising tensions: violent terrorist attacks in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Burma/Myanmar, India’s Assam, China’s Xinjiang; continuing confrontations over maritime boundaries in the South and East China Seas; and renewed fighting between India and Pakistan over Kashmir.
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| 8 |
ID:
080475
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| 9 |
ID:
094535
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The centre of gravity of the global economy has been shifting to Asia. The region's economic integration is an idea whose time has come and Asia could learn useful lessons from Europe. However, according to C Sheela Reddy it is likely to follow its own distinctive path and India could play a multifaceted role in this historic process. The diverse cultural, political and social context across the continent makes it difficult to "sell" the notion of supranational institutions to individual countries. Nonetheless, even as Asia accords priority to internal integration, it would remain strongly connected to the rest of the world.
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| 10 |
ID:
142936
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| 11 |
ID:
075985
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| 12 |
ID:
061081
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| 13 |
ID:
140051
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| 14 |
ID:
002913
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Sterling Pub., 1993.
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| Description |
x,364p.
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| Standard Number |
81-207-1407-5
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 034338 | 327.54492/HUQ 034338 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
110330
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| 16 |
ID:
110948
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| 17 |
ID:
140376
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| 18 |
ID:
081428
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| 19 |
ID:
131582
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The end of Second World War and the wave of globalization along with the process of trade liberalization have nurtured the emergence of several regional and sub-regional organizations all over the world either in the developed part or in the developing part of the globe. This present paper analyses and contemplates on such type of regional groupings in the South and Southeast Asia which aim at the promotion of peace, stability, security of the hemisphere; greater transaction of trade and finance; and the betterment of overall region and upliftment of the living standards of the people living within the expanse. Here an attempt has been made to diagnose the role of regional and sub-regional organizations in this area namely ASEAN, SAARC and BIMSTEC and also a subsequent study to analyze the patronizing character of India for the furtherance of such groupings.
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| 20 |
ID:
155022
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| Summary/Abstract |
Prasanta Sahoo argues that in view of their consanguinity, shared history and cultural affinity, SAARC members are fated to cooperate, in spite of the artificial, colonially drawn borders that separate them. Their prosperity and security depend upon their ability to rise above differences and animosities but India must work to win and deserve the trust of its smaller neighbours.
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