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| 1 |
ID:
110803
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the effect of climate change on a type of armed conflict that pits pastoralists (cattle herders) against each other (range wars). Such conflicts are typically fought over water rights and/or grazing rights to unfenced/unowned land. The state is rarely involved directly. The rangeland of East Africa is a region particularly vulnerable to drought and livestock diseases associated with climate change. To analyze the possible effects of climate change on pastoral conflict, we focus our analysis on changes in resource availability, contrasting cases of abundance and scarcity. The role of resources is further contextualized by competing notions of property rights, and the role of the state in defining property and associated rights. We employ a contest success function (CSF) game-theoretic model to analyze the logic of range wars. This CSF approach emphasizes the low-level, non-binary nature of raiding behavior between pastoralist groups over limited natural resources. A central contribution of this approach is that the logic of raiding behavior implies a positive relationship between resources and conflict. This positive relationship is supported by several studies of the rangeland of East Africa, but is generally dismissed by the literature on the 'resource curse'. This relationship is contingent on other factors examined in the model, producing the following results. First, the level of property rights protection provided by the state generally reduces conflict between pastoralist groups. Second, if property rights protection is provided in a biased manner, then conflict between pastoralist groups increases. Third, severe resource asymmetries between two pastoralist groups will induce the poorer group to become bandits (focusing their efforts on raiding and not producing), while the richer group raids in retaliation.
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| 2 |
ID:
146114
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2016.
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| Description |
x, 267p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780199467501
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058723 | 341.7/JAC 058723 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
110805
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous research on environment and security has contested the existence, nature and significance of a climate driver of conflict. In this study, we have focused on small-scale conflict over East Africa where the link between resource availability and conflict is assumed to be more immediate and direct. Using the parameter of rainfall variability to explore the marginal influence of the climate on conflict, the article shows that in locations that experience rebel or communal conflict events, the frequency of these events increases in periods of extreme rainfall variation, irrespective of the sign of the rainfall change. Further, these results lend support to both a 'zero-sum' narrative, where conflicting groups use force and violence to compete for ever-scarcer resources, and an 'abundance' narrative, where resources spur rent-seeking/wealth-seeking and recruitment of people to participate in violence. Within the context of current uncertainty regarding the future direction of rainfall change over much of Africa, these results imply that small-scale conflict is likely to be exacerbated with increases in rainfall variability if the mean climate remains largely unchanged; preferentially higher rates of rebel conflict will be exhibited in anomalously dry conditions, while higher rates of communal conflict are expected in increasingly anomalous wet conditions.
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| 4 |
ID:
184453
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| 5 |
ID:
043755
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DelhI, Ajanta Publications, 1989.
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| Description |
344p.
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| Standard Number |
8120202201
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031117 | 306.60954/ENG 031117 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
163059
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contends that the type of high-level political consensus needed to reach a peace agreement is often insufficient for rebuilding and transforming wider social relations. Consensus-focused processes tend to suppress divergent views and experiences of conflict, particularly among grassroots conflict actors, and risk deepening social divides by homogenising diverse memories of past violence, with potentially dangerous consequences. In response to these concerns this article advances an understanding of agonistic dialogue and explores an example of such dialogue in communal conflict in Indonesia. Building on an understanding of effective dialogue as sustained, intensive and relational, this article also underscores the need for effective dialogue to have politico-institutional support and to be locally driven and owned by actors who are legitimate and trusted in the eyes of conflict protagonists.
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| 7 |
ID:
157218
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Why do some episodes of violence escalate while others do not? While the micro-foundations of communal violence are well known, the micro-foundations of “peace mongering” are under-studied. This article studies attempts at de-escalating violence in Maluku, Indonesia. It finds that the actions of non-state elites are crucial for de-escalating conflict. However, the efficacy of peace-oriented action is largely determined by the presence or absence of “institutionalized de-escalation systems.” These institutions are directly geared towards conflict prevention and de-escalation and are distinct from inter-communal associational and business networks. While attitudes favourable to peace and stability are found in many post-conflict contexts, they do not always translate into the emergence of institutionalized de-escalation systems. This article argues that such systems emerge only where a specific political economy of peace exists. In such an economy, some non-state actors see an opportunity in peace mongering to fulfill their material and social interests.
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| 8 |
ID:
162469
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Indian democracy has been plagued by a long history of ‘rules’ and ‘acts’, defined broadly as assigning to the state the power to impose order, but without clear guidelines as to their use. Understanding agitations against these rules and acts is helpful in seeing a line of challenge to state authority from the position of democracy. This paper will describe the agitations by the All India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC) against Article 41 of the Defence of India Rules (1939), which focused on the government's ability to censor, ban and fine newspapers. AINEC's fight made visible the effect of capricious and unpredictable government actions on actors outside the elite. In addition, the shifts in censorship brought about by the Defence of India Rules highlighted how groups, ideas or writing could shift from being regarded as ‘responsible’ and credible to ‘irresponsible’ and dangerous on the basis of state decisions.
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| 9 |
ID:
117434
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has often been alleged, most recently in the recommendations of India's National Advisory Council (NAC), that the Indian state promotes, or is complicit in, Hindu-Muslim violence for political or electoral reasons. But the evidence for the claim has historically been sketchy. In StevenWilkinson's work, Votes and Violence, the argument is that the evidence supporting state complicity is systematic.We examine this argument and find it to be fundamentally flawed.
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| 10 |
ID:
125232
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Myanmar is opening itself to the world. Gradually, the Military 'Junta' has come to terms and decided to accommodate the democratic voices of people. But there is a long journey ahead before things can be better placed. The lengthy serpentine rule of military for more than five decades did not allow the institutions to germinate and take proper shape. It resulted in multiple vices in terms of managing a state order in a nation-state. One after the other, challenges became obnoxious in a liberal military rule.
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| 11 |
ID:
121402
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a review of my 2004 book Votes and Violence,Ashutosh Varshney and Joshua Gubler criticize various aspects of the book and its electoral incentives theory. The implication is that Varshney's own local civic engagement theory provides a superior explanation for communal violence. This article responds to the specific criticisms of my arguments about the role of electoral incentives and state action, or inaction, in leading to communal violence, showing why these are wrong or unimportant. I cite three important recent studies, by scholars working independently of me, who come to the same conclusions I do about the key role of electoral incentives and the importance of the state. I also cite the work of other scholars, based on careful fieldwork, who have questioned Varshney's characterization of the causes of conflict and peace in the cities he discusses in his own 2002 book Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life.
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| 12 |
ID:
114673
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines developments in the analysis of communal conflict over the past twenty years, exploring insights regarding the relationships of economic structure, conceptions of deprivation, and the constructions of narratives making sense of civil strife. The piece compares analyses from differing paradigms and disciplines, including terrorism studies, the sociology of violence and war, and the anthropology of violence. The article explores how shifting emphases from both participants and analysts cast incidents of violence in a different light, proscribing differing potential intervention strategies and interpretations of outcomes. Highlighting these shifts provides new space for analyses and greater understanding of the potential costs and consequences of intervention.
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| 13 |
ID:
074564
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Rupa and Co., 2006.
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| Description |
xii, 658p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
8129109913
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051850 | 954.035/GOD 051850 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
113581
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| 15 |
ID:
101240
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Communal violence wracked the state of Gujarat and the city of Ahmedabad once again in 2002, leaving some 2,000 people dead. Because the ruling BJP party had proclaimed Gujarat the 'Laboratory of Hindutva', analysts throughout India saw the violence as BJP policy and debated its possible spillover effects elsewhere. This paper finds that in a period already marked by stressful economic and cultural change and attended by political uncertainty, some BJP leaders gambled that an attack on Gujarat's Muslims, and on the rule of law in general, would attract followers and voters. Their gamble proved correct at least in the short run. This paper examines the cultural, social, geographical and educational restructuring that is occurring, through legal and illegal struggles, and the impact of the violence upon these processes. It examines the declining status of Muslims as a result of continuous propaganda against them. It analyzes the degree to which the state was damaged as a result of the decision for violence and asks about the degree to which leaders do, or do not, wish to 'put it behind them', and suggests that Ahmedabad's problems are widely shared in both the developing and developed worlds.
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| 16 |
ID:
141689
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| 17 |
ID:
159800
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indonesia in the post-New Order era saw frequent incidents of religious violence. These began with bloody sectarian conflicts in the cities of Ambon and Poso, which pitted Muslims against Christians. During the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014), heresy campaigns against non-mainstream faiths (Ahmadiyah and Shi’a) increased, followed by attacks mainly levelled at properties belonging to members of these minority communities. Scholars have argued that Yudhoyono and his predecessors, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, should be held responsible for this frequent violence. However, while the presidents’ ideological outlooks or personalities may have been contributing factors, this article will focus rather on the institutional factors that hindered their responses to the violence. At times, the presidents encouraged initiatives to promote the rights of minorities. However, these programmes faced constraints from other state institutions due to the bureaucracy and judiciary’s inclination to preserve majoritarian social order and the hegemonic interpretation of the Belief in One God article in the state’s foundational philosophical theory (Pancasila). These challenges were further compounded by a decline in presidential power in the post-New Order era. This article argues that, so long as these constraints exist, any Indonesian president will have difficulties overcoming violence against minority communities.
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| 18 |
ID:
111291
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| 19 |
ID:
185590
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses how the demolition of the Babri Masjid by Hindu nationalists and the communal violence in its aftermath (1992–93) is remembered in a predominantly Muslim slum neighbourhood in Mumbai. By drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, it considers how a traumatic event is given meaning through fragmented memories inscribed in the urban space. A nuanced analysis of the recollections of the city’s Muslim poor, who faced the main brunt of the violence, suggests that the spatial context of the Muslim neighbourhoods provide a safe social backdrop for the expression of an otherwise suppressed memory that has been pushed by the official narratives of the past into marginality, leading to the creation of an alternative sociality that addresses community concerns to break the hold of the past and imagine a future of peaceful cohabitation.
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| 20 |
ID:
109324
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