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| 1 |
ID:
044721
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| Publication |
London, Ithaca press, 1979.
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| Description |
176p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0903729458
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018956 | 956.7043/IRA 018956 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
126413
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The struggle to shape the narrative of Libya's postwar transition is being fought more intensely outside of the country than within it. The legitimacy of the military intervention in Libya by the West, supported by Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has become tied to the perceived success or failure of the transition process: A positive outcome (i.e., the installation of liberal democracy) would legitimize NATO's intervention and, with it, the merits of interventionist military doctrines more broadly; a failure chastens such a policy. Putting aside questions about whether the legitimacy of the intervention should be primarily judged by the outcome of the transition, the practical consequence of this ulterior motive for judging the success or failure of the transition has warped international coverage of Libya. It has created incentives for observers to cherry-pick their portrayal of events so that they can present unambiguous conclusions about the progress of reforms and the transition in general (Rubin 2013; Wagner and Cafiero 2013). This myopia is unhelpful; it distorts international policy on Libya and results in scant analysis of the underlying (and often antithetic) social, political, or security dynamics shaping the transition. To remedy this, the following analysis examines the micropolitics of violence undergirding Libya's transition. As its basis John Gledhill's tripartite framework is used for understanding the causal pathways to collective violence during political transition (see "Editor's Introduction"). The contributions on Yemen and Egypt, which follow this article, also adopt Gledhill's framework, permitting comparison among these cases.
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| 3 |
ID:
113353
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2012.
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This article develops a critical analysis of the Slum Upgrading Facility, a new initiative of UN-Habitat which seeks to improve conditions for residents of slums in Africa and elsewhere. The analysis highlights the neoliberal principles underpinning this initiative, and especially the vision of slum improvement by means of financialisation. The article argues that it is necessary and important to recognise the politics of international urban development and housing, which has since the 1970s increasingly emphasised neoliberal principles of private property and market institutions. The novel ambition of financialisation must also be situated in relation to historical transformations of housing finance in Anglo-American capitalism over the past three decades. After situating the ideological principles underpinning the Slum Upgrading Facility in these longer and broader global trajectories of international policy, the final section returns to the present to examine other initiatives currently being pursued alongside slum upgrading: the active promotion of mortgage markets in Africa.
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| 4 |
ID:
144186
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The UK appears to be making a cautious return to international policing after a decade of following an approach best described as ‘muddling through’. Recent reforms and new co-ordinating structures seek to improve coherence and promote the British model of policing abroad. These are timely initiatives as international policing is also under review at the UN. Yet what is missing – argue Stephanie Blair and Maureen Brown – is a clear, pragmatic, realistic and holistic UK government strategy for international policing and law enforcement that would provide a sense of purpose, ambition and direction, and deliver coherence across UK domestic and international security objectives.
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| 5 |
ID:
099591
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| 6 |
ID:
171204
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In international policy circles, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is commonly viewed as a weapon of war, a framing that researchers have criticized as overly simplistic. Feminist scholars in particular caution that the ‘weapon of war’ framing decontextualizes sexual violence in conflict from the structural factors of gender inequality that underpin its perpetration. In light of these tensions, how do politically relevant local actors perceive the nature and the origins of conflict-related sexual violence? Civil society organizations often actively confront conflict-related sexual violence on the ground. A better understanding of how their perceptions of this violence align or clash with the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ narratives therefore has important policy implications. Interviews with representatives of Colombian women's organizations and victims' associations reveal that these civil society activists predominantly view conflict-related sexual violence as the result of patriarchal structures. The mobilized women perceive sexual violence as a very gendered violence that exists on a continuum extending through peace, the everyday and war, and which the presence of arms exacerbates. Strategic sexual violence, too, is understood to ultimately have its basis in patriarchal structures. The findings expose a disconnect between the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ understanding that is decontextualized from structural factors and a local approach to CRSV that establishes clear linkages to societal gender inequality.
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| 7 |
ID:
130921
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2014.
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This paper develops a framework for interpreting state international policy by treating national identity as inherently contested. Building on insights from constructivist literature, it proposes a technique for establishing the meaning of foreign policy action on several interrelated levels: state-based, society-based, and international. The paper illustrates the benefits of the approach by selecting the example of Russia's European diplomacy under President Dmitri Medvedev. By studying how officials themselves justify their policies and how these policies are then perceived in broader social and international settings, we have an opportunity to develop a rich understanding of a particular state action, as well as tentatively assess the chances of this action's success or failure.
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| 8 |
ID:
094365
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| 9 |
ID:
124209
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2013.
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In 2001 Argentina defaulted on its debts and then devalued its currency by abandoning the peso-dollar peg. The economy rebounded and has grown relatively strongly since then. This paper uses a critical political economy approach to first show that the Argentinian strategy finds support in the literature examining the effects of sovereign debt default, currency devaluation and fiscal consolidation on economic growth. Argentina is thus relevant to Europe's ongoing crisis. The article then investigates European media coverage of the Argentinian experience through an examination of major newspapers' stories between 2008 and 2013. It argues that the media have distorted the lessons of the Argentinian recovery by focusing on the negative consequences of default rather than its benefits; by emphasising the role of rising commodity export prices over domestic policy decisions in stimulating the economy; by opposing some aspects of government intervention in the economy even if the latter played a beneficial role; and by exaggerating the negative consequences of inflation. This distorted coverage is explained through reference to the media's ideological role in the implementation of austerity policies in Europe.
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| 10 |
ID:
124421
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2013.
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Canada's engagement in Afghanistan, following in the wake of the United States led 7 October 2001 military invasion, has proven to be the most significant and closely observed Canadian international policy initiative since the Korean War. Over the past 12 years Ottawa has made a significant series of commitments to Afghanistan military, political, diplomatic, economic and social that have placed the Canadian - Afghan relationship at the centre of Canadian external relations.
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| 11 |
ID:
087076
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| 12 |
ID:
125190
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2013.
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In terms of modern military historiography, the International China Expeditionary Force (CEF) of 1900-1 is a largely forgotten army. This is wholly undeserved. Based on British, German, Indian and United States Army and other records, this article examines its operations as an overseas counter-insurgency campaign. It also examines the problematic nature of Field Marshal von Waldersee's 'Supreme Command' and the complex relations between the various national contingents of this, the only active military alliance between the Crimean conflict and the First World War. Ultimately, the CEF was an interesting, if flawed, late nineteenth-century experiment in coalition warfare. But it was more than just that. It was also a microcosm that makes evident the problems of turn-of-the-century international politics.
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| 13 |
ID:
124398
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2013.
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This article investigates the extent to which citation and publication patterns differ between men and women in the international relations (IR) literature. Using data from the Teaching, Research, and International Policy project on peer-reviewed publications between 1980 and 2006, we show that women are systematically cited less than men after controlling for a large number of variables including year of publication, venue of publication, substantive focus, theoretical perspective, methodology, tenure status, and institutional affiliation. These results are robust to a variety of modeling choices. We then turn to network analysis to investigate the extent to which the gender of an article's author affects that article's relative centrality in the network of citations between papers in our sample. Articles authored by women are systematically less central than articles authored by men, all else equal. This is likely because (1) women tend to cite themselves less than men, and (2) men (who make up a disproportionate share of IR scholars) tend to cite men more than women. This is the first study in political science to reveal significant gender differences in citation patterns and is especially meaningful because citation counts are increasingly used as a key measure of research's quality and impact.
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| 14 |
ID:
111378
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Transforming the housing stock to a low energy performance is a key priority in the context of sustainable development and a post-carbon transition. However, in terms of its practical implementation it, firstly, faces a number of complex institutional barriers, while, secondly, involves a risk of being dominated by a narrow technocratic agenda for energy/carbon reduction that may overtake the socially progressive pursuits of housing policy. Energy efficiency strategies for the residential sector must, therefore, be multidimensional, fully synergised with housing policy, and incorporating the principles of equity, access and a balanced geographical development. This paper discusses a strategic policy framework, which was designed by the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) to address those important needs in international policy. The document - Action Plan for Energy-efficient Housing in the UNECE Region - outlines a number of goals, targets and actions structured at three dimensions: (i) governance and finance, (ii) technological advancement, and (iii) access and affordability. The Action Plan provides a comprehensive and integrated framework, based on which governments can shape their own pathways towards a sustainable low-energy residential sector.
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| 15 |
ID:
119439
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2013.
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This article surveys recent literature on Africa and International Relations (IR) and reviews the current place of Africa within the discipline. It notes that critical debates continue around claims of a mismatch between Africa and 'mainstream' IR theories and concepts.
However, alongside this set of issues, there is in fact a burgeoning literature on many aspects of Africa's international relations. While some of these studies utilize existing IR theories, and others explore empirical cases that could deliver important lessons for the wider discipline, much of this promise goes unfulfilled.
The article reviews literature on China's role and on HIV/AIDS governance in Africa to illustrate how the study of African international relations, the wider IR discipline and international policy could all benefit from a closer engagement between Africa and IR. The article concludes by setting out three challenges for a renewed agenda: a need to address the problematic relationship between universal analytical concepts and regional particularities; a need to give recognition to, and analyse, African agency in international politics; and a need to address inequalities in knowledge production in the field of Africa's international relations.
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| 16 |
ID:
124886
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2013.
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During the past few years, New Delhi has stepped up its engagement with the Central Asian Republics with the aim of building a long term partnership - both bilaterally and collectively under the frame work of newly pronounced 'Connect Central Asia' policy.
The 'Connect Central Asia' policy is based on pro-active political, economic, cultural and people-to-people engagement with the countries of Central Asian region. At present the South, Central and West Asian region is exposed to completely new set of challenges. These new developments make a case for India to evolve a calibrated and co-ordinated response in its engagement with the regional countries to further secure India's core national interests. It is in this context that present article attempts to examine and evaluate various facets of India's 'Connect Central Asia' policy.
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| 17 |
ID:
092606
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2009.
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This article undertakes an analysis of renewable energy policy at the international level. So far, such policy efforts have been carried out in a fragmented manner across various fields and without the benefit of any specific international agreements or organizations. In the two key policy areas of energy and climate, in which one would expect to find direct approaches at the international level, there have been only marginal efforts to promote renewable energy and with little direct impact-something which at first glance is rather remarkable. Initiated in the wake of the Second World Summit on Sustainable Development, in 2002 in Johannesburg, there exists for the first time a specific policy process - set in motion by the German government - which has led to some initial "soft" instruments and institutional forms; this multilateral process, which, although parallel and independent in its approach, is proceeding nonetheless in a consensual manner similar to the UN negotiations. At the same time, several countries have taken the lead to form an international organization for renewable energy; this is presently being developed. This article examines the various policy levels as well as the roles of the significant national and international actors on the basis of a multilevel governance approach.
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| 18 |
ID:
139288
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This paper examines recent developments in refugee policy in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Specifically it considers the context of adoption of policy output—the Refugee Law—and Kazakhstan’s compliance with international commitments on providing socioeconomic support to refugee community. The analysis reveals that ratification and subsequent steps to put international policy into practice in this particular case are symbolic gestures to gain legitimation in international society without actually aligning the domestic legal system with international commitments. Although the Refugee Law appears to grant rights and protections consistent with international accords, it does so only superficially as these are undermined by a complex set of national laws and policies that have precedence over the Refugee Law. Only after the Refugee Law was adopted, Kazakhstan under intensive pressure of international organizations started slowly bringing its refugee policy into actual compliance with international standards. The process, even though important, has proved to be very slow, cumbersome and only piecemeal and in reality has amounted to walking in place.
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| 19 |
ID:
124746
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2013.
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On 10 June 1963 President John F. Kennedy gave a speech that changed the world. His commencement speech at American University helped to spur the signing of a world-changing agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States-the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This episode of peacemaking is remarkable for two reasons. First, it arguably helped to save the world, since the nuclear confrontation at that stage of the Cold War was not a 'stable balance of terror', as sometimes described, but rather a highly unstable situation that was prone to accidents, misjudgements and potential disasters. Second, this was an episode of statesmanship in which presidential leadership played a crucial role. Following the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy understood that he bore sole responsibility on the US side to find a way back from the brink of nuclear war. He used the 'peace speech' to create a novel kind of peace diplomacy, and worked together with his counterpart, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, to pull the superpowers back from this precarious brink.
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| 20 |
ID:
096909
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