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1 |
ID:
104040
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article studies the effects of human rights international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) on domestic antigovernment protest. Unlike mainstream scholarship, the authors argue that human rights INGOs are not simply the magic bullet in orchestrating nonviolent protests; different types of human rights INGO activity have varying effects on protest. Moreover, some human rights INGO activities may lead to higher levels of violent protest. The empirical tests use new data on the activities of over 400 human rights INGOs and domestic nonviolent and violent protest globally from 1991 to 2004. The authors find that increases in human rights INGO activities reflecting a greater commitment to the domestic population are associated with higher levels of both violent and nonviolent protest.
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2 |
ID:
032140
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Publication |
New York, State University of New York, 1986.
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Description |
xvi, 287p.
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Series |
Suny series in transpersonal and humamstic psychology
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Standard Number |
0887063306
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
026986 | 303.61/BOR 026986 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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3 |
ID:
049272
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Publication |
New York, St. Martin Press, 2000.
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Description |
xii, 232p.
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Standard Number |
0333915259
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
044336 | 303.61/STE 044336 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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4 |
ID:
110403
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5 |
ID:
086574
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
A central factor in the failure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict is the direct competition that exists between its two most central international norms: 'self-determination', the fundamental claim of the Palestinians, and 'self-defence', the overriding concern of Israelis. Particularly since 9/11, Palestinian violence has been a liability for their cause and has served to validate Israel's self-defence arguments. Increasingly, Palestinian violence has been perpetrated by the Islamically oriented under the banner of jihad, which is understood almost exclusively in terms of armed struggle. Non-violence - which has the potential to undermine Israel's self-defence arguments and generate external pressure on Israel to adhere to the terms of a just peace - has been under-appreciated by such Palestinians. Non-violence is far from having a normative status in the Muslim world as an Islamically legitimate response to occupation and it is yet to be conceptualised as an effective form of resistance. The concept needs to be reformulated in accordance with the realities and opportunities confronting the Palestinians. Contextualisation combined with a maqasid or objective-oriented approach establishes non-violence as a preferable option to violence both in terms of the higher objectives of jihad, enshrined in the Quran, as well as of the attainment of Palestinian self-determination.
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6 |
ID:
158937
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Summary/Abstract |
Comment on Skaria, Ajay. 2016. Unconditional Equality: Gandhi's Religion of Resistance. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
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7 |
ID:
130796
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Ethics and Indian civilization, political thought; global implication is a valid search into the global implications of the ethics grounded in the national ethos of the ideological, political, religious, social and cultural dimensions of the great civilization the word India stands for.
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8 |
ID:
078984
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
This paper presents a critique of the essentialist notions of any community as a pacifist or militant community by examining the long history of the cycles of violence and non-violence in the evolution of the Sikh community in the Indian subcontinent. The theoretical premise of the paper is that communities' resort to violence and non-violence is determined by their strategic perspectives to achieve their politico-economic goals and not from any doctrinal adherence to violence or non-violence. The paper attempts a panoramic view of over 500 years of Sikh history (1469 - 2006) and offers a reinterpretation of that history by locating cycles of violence and non-violence in their historical context. It then provides a politico-economic perspective on violence and non-violence in their struggle for identity and political power. It focuses more on an analysis of the recent political conflict between Sikh militants and the Indian state, and concludes by drawing out the policy implications of that analysis for the politics of the modern Indian state regarding the Sikhs of Punjab. It identifies federal arrangements and human rights as issues of key importance in the political economy of this relationship.
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9 |
ID:
108984
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
Gujarat has been profoundly marked by its location at the centre of traditional trade networks which, I have argued elsewhere, has strengthened the position of its merchant communities relative to other parts of India. Here I propose that merchant religion, with its stress on purity, has displaced folk Shaktism as well as Brahminic ritual among Gujarat's wider population, to form the core of a modern Gujarati Hinduism, which includes Hindutva. This development, I hold, has been imbricated in the spread of bourgeois culture, making for a particular religious colouring of modernity in Gujarat, and contrasting with the 'secularism' which-perhaps exaggeratedly-has been held to characterise Occidental modernity.
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10 |
ID:
162464
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Summary/Abstract |
Many recent botanical articles on the medicinal plant Rauwolfia serpentina and on its therapeutic uses inform us that Mahatma Gandhi regularly took it because of its tranquilising effects; some go so far as to suggest that his peacefulness (and even the Indian non-violent struggle against the British colonisers) could be attributed to it. However, there is little evidence to support this. Although Gandhi did occasionally take some drops of an infusion made from the plant for his severe hypertension, the sensational claims that Rauwolfia tea was his favourite daily nightcap demonstrate how the results of poor research, where one unsubstantiated source is copied by others with further exaggerations added, can eventually assume the status of ‘fact’.
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11 |
ID:
142228
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Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the ways in which one of Indonesia's largest local, non-violent fundamentalist Islamist groups, Hidayatullah, has worked towards recovering a non-violent identity in the aftermath of allegations of terrorism made by the international community at the height of the War on Terror. Significantly, in international circles post-September 11, Indonesia's pesantren (Islamic boarding school) network more generally became associated with terrorism as they were seen as potential breeding grounds for Islamist extremism. Subsequently, allegations emerged implicating Hidayatullah as part of an extremist organised network linked to Jemaah Islamiyah and, by extension, Al Qaeda. The article demonstrates how, in the aftermath of the allegations, the group negotiated with the wider society and the state's national security laws on terrorism as it worked to recover its non-violent identity. In doing so, it also raises further questions about methodological practices in distinguishing between the heterogeneity and subjectivities within wider Islamist movements, especially in terms of militant and non-violent forms of Islamism.
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12 |
ID:
156552
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Summary/Abstract |
Social scientists treat stone-throwing as a non-violent act or argue that protest movements may be primarily non-violent despite stone-throwing. However, this study of an iconic example, the first intifada (Palestinian uprising, 1987–1993), demonstrates that stone-throwing is better characterized as unarmed violence. Definitions of violence underscore that throwing rocks is a violent act. Moreover, informed observers and data collected on stone-induced injuries during four years of the intifada illustrate the bodily harm caused by stones. The throwing of stones was central to the intifada and its identity and definition. Stone-throwing was the most visible tactic Palestinians used in the first intifada. Lastly, most scholars emphasize the protestors’ perceptions when it might be that the targets’ perceptions matter more for understanding definitions of (non-)violence and subsequent policy changes. These findings challenge important social science work and the mainstream Israeli and Palestinian narratives about the first intifada.
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13 |
ID:
077209
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Amar Chitra Katha ('Immortal Picture Stories') is the leading Indian comic book series, with 440 mythological and historical titles and sales of over 86 million issues. In 1989, after twenty years of publishing success, the producers of this series decided to release two issues on the world-renowned Indian politician and activist, Mahatma Gandhi. But Gandhi, best known for his technique of non-violent civil resistance, presented a formidable challenge: How to depict the Mahatma, paragon of peace and non-violence, in a visual medium that is notorious for its action and violence? This article examines the relationship between text and image in these comics, and draws upon interviews with authors and artists, to better understand the contested memory of Gandhi in India today as well as the contested concept of non-violence
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