|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
153611
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
193483
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Scholarship on global environmental assessments call for these organisations to become more reflexive to address challenges around participation, inclusivity of perspectives, and responsivity to the policy domains they inform. However, there has been less call for reflexivity in IPCC scholarship or closer examination of how routine concepts condition scholarly understanding by focusing on science and politics over other social dynamics. In this article, I suggest that scholarly reflexivity could advance new analytical approaches that provide practical insights for changing organisational structures. Through reflecting on my understanding of the IPCC, I develop actors, activities, and forms of authority as a new analytical framework for studying international organisations and knowledge bodies. Through its application, I describe the social order of the IPCC within and between the panel, the bureau, the technical support units, the secretariat and the authors, which is revealing of which actors, on the basis of what authority, have symbolic power over the writing of climate change. The fine-grained analysis of organisations enabled by this analytical framework reveals how dominance can and is being remade through intergovernmental relations and potentially, identifies avenues that managers of these bodies can pursue to challenge it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
131549
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Studies of public space focus disproportionately on cities. Complex and densely populated urban built environments-with their streets, plazas, institutional buildings, housing projects, markets-make concrete and visible attempts to manage difference. They also structure the ways that less powerful residents challenge and sometimes remake elites' spatial visions of the social order. The robust literature in Middle East studies on Islamic cities, colonial cities, dual cities, quarters and ethnicities, port cities, and so forth is no exception to this urban focus.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
174913
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Buttressed by the philosophy of Gross National Happiness (GNH), Bhutan’s development policies are inherently grounded in balancing material and spiritual well-being, while Bhutan’s capital city, Thimphu, has over the past few decades experienced phenomenal growth and urban transformation. This article builds on the notion of socio-spatial dialectic to examine the new forms of social ordering in the urban space of Thimphu. Critiquing the idealisation of Thimphu as a dream city for all, it endorses instead the development of regional growth centres and small towns. This underlines the potential of stimulating regional economic development, as a better strategy for inclusive growth and actualisation of Bhutan’s philosophy of GNH.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
139174
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The use of the term Naxalism has become synonymous with Maoist activities in India. All such activities are branded as Left Wing Extremism (LWE). The Maoist movement calls for a complete transformation of the political, social and economic systems as existing in India. In its essence, it challenges the validity of the Indian Constitution and rejects the Parliamentary system, seeking to replace it with a new social order. It draws its strength from existing weaknesses in society where certain vulnerable sections have been marginalised and exploited and, thus, can be penetrated and swayed by Maoist ideologues, who promise the people a fulfillment of their aspirations and a life of dignity and self-respect. The Naxal movement has a relationship to Communism. Karl Marx propounded that in order to fight feudalism and capitalism, “You must have a scientific philosophy and a sound theory, for a workers movement to be built up on a scientific basis”. In dealing with the problem of social change, Marx examined two concepts, the first dealing with the “forces of production” and the second with the “relations of production”. He was more interested in examining the military concepts of the social revolutionaries, which earlier lay in the domain of great political leaders, legislators and pioneering reformers. According to Marx, the social process would lead to revolution at a certain stage of development and the material productive forces of society would come into conflict with the existing relations of production. He emphasised that change could be
brought out only by revolution and not by peaceful means.1 The Naxal ideology flows from this line of thought.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
105348
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article shares its title with a Beatles' song in which John Lennon wove together several newspaper stories from a particular day to create "A Day in the Life". As with the idea behind Lennon's lyrics I would like to provide a tomogram of global governmentality by using a specific day's events to examine transformations in the current world (dis)order. On November 20th, 2003, several events occurred, including the bomb attack on the British Consulate and the HSBC bank headquarters in Istanbul; a presidential visit by George W. Bush to London accompanied by antiwar protests; suicide bombings in Kirkuk and Ramadi; an evacuation of staff from the White House due to a "blip" on a radar screen rather than a plane; anti-FTAA protests and clashes with police in Miami; all these events can be used as a barometer to examine global governmentality and the current predicament of the representation of global order. This analysis is framed within the broader context of a questioning of the "eventness" of the event, agency and territoriality in contemporary world politics, as well as the process and significance of dating in representing global order. In doing so it attempts to highlight the tensions between global politics understood and articulated from a sovereign optic and an understanding of global politics as a site of governmentality and transversal struggles in a world where "9-11" and the "war on terror" provide the fundamental markers of current representations of contemporary global social order.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
134090
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Deterring terrorism is no longer a provocative idea, but missing from the contemporary theoretical investigation is a discussion of how delegitimization might be used to manipulate and shape militant behavior. Delegitimization suggests that states and substate actors can use the religious or ideological rationale that informs terrorist behavior to influence it. In the case of al-Qaida, the organization has carefully elaborated a robust metanarrative that has proved to be remarkably successful as a recruitment tool, in identity formation for adherents, as public apologia and hermeneutic, and as a weapon of war-the so-called media jihad. In the wake of the upheaval of the Arab Spring, al-Qaida and its adherents have redeployed the narrative, promising a new social order to replace the region's anciens régimes. Delegitimization would have the United States and its friends and allies use al-Qaida's own narrative against it by targeting and degrading the ideological motivation that guides support for and participation in terrorism.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
120063
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Germany, KAS, 1993.
|
| Description |
188p.pbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057221 | 338.943/LAM 057221 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
124517
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Much of the work published in Defence and Peace Economics (DPE) significantly contributes to our understanding of the economics of conflict. Analyzing the second decade of its existence, Arce and Kollias (2010) showed that over time, the emphasis of work in DPE has shifted significantly. One rising field examines the consequences of conflict. Related to this, in 2011, DIW Berlin hosted a conference examining The Economic Impact of Violent Conflict. This special issue is the result of that conference. While this may seem like a relatively narrow area, the interpretation of that simple combination of words can be quite broad. Some of the core work in the area focuses on the calculation of the global impact of conflict (Collier, 1999, Hess, 2003, Brück, De Groot, and Bozzoli, 2012). The work of Collier (1999) has had the greatest impact and continues to do so. He focuses only on civil conflicts because of the perceived economic strengthening effects of international conflict. Collier argues that civil conflict affects growth through (i) the destruction of resources; (ii) the disruption of infrastructure and social order; (iii)
budgetary substitution; (iv) dissaving; and (v) portfolio substitution by foreign investors.
The first four of these channels are expected to influence an economy only during conflict, whereas the final one is likely to continue having a lasting effect even after the restoration of peace. This led Collier to come to his theory that the length of the conflict is going to influence the impact of the post conflict period. In particular, he argues that long-running conflicts are more likely to be followed by an increase in growth, whereas short-lasting conflicts will suffer reduced growth rates over a longer period of time (known as a legacy effect).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
172542
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
State interventions against organized criminal groups (OCGs) sometimes work to improve security, but often exacerbate violence. To understand why, this article offers a theory about criminal governance in five types of criminal regimes—Insurgent, Bandit, Symbiotic, Predatory, and Split. These differ according to whether criminal groups confront or collude with state actors, abuse or cooperate with the community, and hold a monopoly or contest territory with rival OCGs. Police interventions in these criminal regimes pose different challenges and are associated with markedly different local security outcomes. We provide evidence of this theory by using a multimethod research design combining quasi-experimental statistical analyses, automated text analysis, extensive qualitative research, and a large-N survey in the context of Rio de Janeiro’s “Pacifying Police Units” (UPPs), which sought to reclaim control of the favelas from criminal organizations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
037325
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Heinemann Educational Books, 1971.
|
| Description |
81p.
|
| Standard Number |
0435826859
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007147 | 303.3/PIE 007147 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
132405
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper describes how the transformation of coastal New Zealand is directly connected to the dislocation and marginalisation of many M?ori coastal communities. It focuses on how this transformation is played out in text and talk and how certain types of boundaries function as important determinants in the construction and social order of coastal New Zealand. The high value and demand placed on specific, accessible 'cadastral' parcels of private coastal property dictates that much of New Zealand's coast is mapped according to constructs of wealth and desirability. In other parts of the country where development pressures on the coast are less prevalent, coastal communities are less evidently connected to markers of affluence and/or 'whiteness'. In these less disciplined spaces, uncertainty and liminality is more influential in the making of coastal places. Through an analysis of interviews with coastal planners and residents of coastal communities it is revealed that particular hegemonies, through the discourses they produce, attempt to assert a particular socio-spatial epistemology on counter-hegemonic groups in an effort to develop and manage the coast. Communities that revealed an alternative social ordering are described as messy and difficult to manage, while other coastal communities are marketed as exclusive, where model residents inhabit model places.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
092307
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes a case study of the multinational counterinsurgency operations that occurred in China during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900-1, to provide a better understanding of the political and military dynamics specific to this type of mission. The study focuses primarily on the nature of the cooperation on the ground, the various national approaches to counterinsurgency, and the asymmetry of strategic approach between the Westerners and the Chinese. A discussion is also proposed, highlighting that combined counterinsurgency is not per se an obstacle to the unity of command, but that politically international coalitions create unique challenges to counterinsurgency operations.
* Views and opinions expressed in this text are those of the author and do not represent, or otherwise reflect, any official opinion or position of the Department of National Defence or the Government of Canada. Reproduced with permission of the Department of National Defence, Government of Canada.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
124152
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents findings from long-term empirical fieldwork and archival research into current and historical patterns of governance in north-eastern Afghanistan, conducted between 2006 and 2009. Despite the long civil war, striking continuities have been found in the make-up and functioning of the local social order. Patron-client relations, eldership, and related practices of mediation are crucial structuring principles of rural society. They have dominated Afghan politics over centuries and still do today. Viewed from a long-term perspective, this continuity, related patterns of representation, and the role of middlemen and brokers suggest a certain degree of stability, in contrast to the popular perception of instability and disorder in this country. Whilst in the past the expansion of the state relied on tacit agreement between government administrators and local elites, resulting in state-making from above, the war broadly changed actors, regimes, and coalitions, but not the underlying mechanisms of the social order. Hence, today, the failure of the current state-building project can be attributed to the fact that the effects of these mechanisms are insufficiently recognized and grasped by Western actors and state-builders. We argue that local Afghan actors have captured the intervention from below. Instead of state-building, we are dealing here with state-making dominated by patronage networks.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
045133
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, John Wiley & Sons, 1972.
|
| Description |
xii, 457p.
|
| Standard Number |
0471221457
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012863 | 306.2/DOW 012863 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
124136
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores how sovereignty and (non-)intervention are implicated in the (re)production of specific social orders. Sovereignty and the non-interference principle circumscribe 'domestic' politics from 'the international', defining who is legitimately included or excluded from the struggles that determine political and social orders. State managers seek to admit forces and resources favourable to the order they are seeking to create, whilst excluding those deleterious to it. In revolutionary periods, however, these attempts to 'cage' social relations often crumble as transnational forces engage in fierce, multifaceted conflicts overlapping territorial borders. In such circumstances, both norms of non-interference and practices of intervention may be used by dominant forces to help contain the spread of sociopolitical conflict and to strengthen their hand in the struggle to (re)define social order. Sovereignty regimes are thus shaped by the strategies and ideologies of the various social groups locked in conflict at a particular historical moment. This argument is illustrated through the case of Cold War Southeast Asia, where sovereignty and intervention were both used to stabilise capitalist social order and curtail transnational, radical threats from below.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
131488
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article develops a theoretical approach to stigma in international relations and resituates conventional approaches to the study of norms and international order. Correcting the general understanding that common values and norms are the building blocks of social order, this article claims that international society is in part constructed through the stigmatization of "transgressive" and norm-violating states and their ways of coping with stigma. Drawing on Erving Goffman, this article shows that states are not passive objects of socialization, but active agents. Stigmatized states cope strategically with their stigma and may, in some cases, challenge and even transform a dominant moral discourse. A typology of stigma management strategies is presented: stigma recognition (illustrated by Germany); stigma rejection (illustrated by Austria); and finally counter-stigmatization (illustrated by Cuba). Because of the lack of agreement on what constitutes normal state behavior, attempts to impose stigma may even have the opposite effect-the stigmatizers become the transgressive. A focus on stigma opens up new avenues for research on norms, identities, and international order.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
024748
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
DelhI, S. Chand, 1970.
|
| Description |
xii, 110p.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004019 | 303.372/APP 004019 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
132752
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This essay explores the role that U.S. criminal courts play in shaping the uniquely punitive social order of the United States. U.S. courts have long been defined against the common law of England, from which they emerged. In this essay, I consider the English legacy and suggest that while the United States does draw heavily from common-law traditions, it has also innovated to alter them, a process that has established a criminal justice system even more punitive than that of England.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
131562
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the role of Islam in contemporary Jordanian charities and social welfare organizations. In what ways do these organizations relate to Islamic traditions in their work? What role do religious convictions play in the construction of modern selfhoods among their employees and volunteers? Do these constructions relate to broader, globally relevant, social imaginaries? The article tries to answer these questions by applying a novel analytical framework to qualitative data from fieldwork conducted among Jordanian charities and social welfare organizations. We treat these organizations as "social sites" for the reinterpretation of Islamic traditions in the context of global modernity as well as for the construction of meaningful forms of modern selfhoods among their members. In doing so, we argue that these specifically Islamic identity constructions can fruitfully be understood with reference to different types of globally relevant social imaginaries.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|