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1 |
ID:
128428
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
China's aggressive actions in the East China Sea, combined with other factors, especially North Korea's continuing intransigence, have created an increasingly hostile security environment for Japan. Its response to these events can be seen in the impressive political rebirth of Shinzo Abe and the Liberal Democratic Party. While Abe, currently serving as prime minister for a second time, was elected largely because of his economic policies and the ineptitude of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Japan, he has used his mandate to press forward with long needed, albeit controversial, defense and security reforms that indicate the seriousness with which Tokyo takes its current situation. With China looming up in front of them, and Pyongyang posing lesser but still worrisome threats, the Japanese have become acutely aware of the fact that their Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have one hundred and forty thousand ground troops, one hundred and forty-one maritime vessels, and four hundred and ten aircraft, while China's People's Liberation Army has one million six hundred thousand troops and North Korea has one million soldiers. Meanwhile, North Korea maintains a significant, if decaying, navy and air force, with one hundred and ninety vessels and approximately six hundred aircraft. China's much more capable maritime and air assets include nine hundred and seventy vessels and two thousand five hundred and eighty aircraft.
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2 |
ID:
142481
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Summary/Abstract |
Over the past two decades, the significance of the Gulf of Guinea and the wider South Atlantic Ocean has become incontrovertible in view of the spectrum of geo-strategic interests – commercial, energy, military, security and political – converging within the zone. Due to its vastness and lack of capacity to exercise adequate writby littoral states, the maritime landscape have become some of the most dangerous in the world: with frequent incidences of piracy, oil bunkering, trafficking in persons, weapons, illicit drugs and fake pharmaceutics, and criminal activities that are undermining maritime safety and security. A major debate is now brewing- in scholarship as well as in public policy circles- on the implications of developments in the maritime domain for security and development in Africa; including those around the challenges and opportunities facing Gulf of Guinea countries. Drawing on the insights as well as outcomes of a major conference on ‘African Approaches to Maritime Security: The West and Central African Perspectives, this article reviewed the challenges and opportunities that West and Central African countries face in view of the threats posed from, and by, their maritime domains; and their implications for governance, security and development. It further examined the prospects for the emergence of a putative maritime security community in the Gulf of Guinea, and across the South Atlantic.
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3 |
ID:
083891
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4 |
ID:
128559
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
This author consider how the founder of the Naval Review might have seen the position of the Royal navy today, and how he might have set out to improve it, or advise his successors how to improve it. He suggests the concept is more in line with current maritime needs that it has been given credit for, and speculates on its future.
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5 |
ID:
063487
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6 |
ID:
165763
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Summary/Abstract |
Traditionally the African concept of security concept has been dominated by land-based conflicts with little attention being paid to maritime threats and the protection of the maritime environment. With the rapid escalation of piracy on the East Coast, the African Union (AU) was compelled to develop a joint strategy to address its changing African Maritime Domain (AMD). This was achieved by the AU’s Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (AIMS 2050) in 2014, culminating in the adoption of a binding maritime security and safety charter in Lomé in 2016. The Lomé Charter should ideally focus the general provisions of AIMS 2050 so that Africa, as a continent, can take responsibility for security and economic empowerment of the AMD. This article considers various maritime security documents against the backdrop of an African context for understanding maritime security, in order to evaluate whether the Lomé Charter, as a manifestation of AIMS 2050, will realise its aspirations. Focussing on security is not sufficient and too much emphasis is placed in the Lomé Charter on restriction rather than development. Strong political will and leadership is required to facilitate implementation, identifying common security concerns to ensure better cooperative and collective strategies in a diverse implementation environment.
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7 |
ID:
130388
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8 |
ID:
125546
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
More than 90% of global trade uses the sea, but the international community has so far paid little attention to ungoverned maritime spaces, Christian Le Miere analyses why policing the sea is a vital in disrupting the operations of non state armed groups.
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9 |
ID:
130074
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
My opinion has not changed-although my explanation might-and this is an issue that continues to plague the armed forces. The Navy has even embraced sub-themes for Sexual Assault Awareness Month (SAAM); for the first half of April, the message is "Live Our Values." That was my intended meaning: Sexual assault is contrary to our core values.
My friend's criticism was part of a cordial, yet emotionally driven discussion, and it was enlightening. It was accompanied by the story of a young sailor who faced blatant sexual harassment from her leading petty officer.
That sailor was subjected to repeated inappropriate comments in public, and more graphic comments in smaller groups. These remarks were overheard by a chief petty officer who asked the junior sailor if she wanted him to talk to the petty officer. Harassment and assault are two very different things, but a lax attitude toward the former diminishes an atmosphere of respect, the overarching theme of SAAM 2014.
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10 |
ID:
125643
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
The rebuilding of the Turkish naval forces command's specialist amphibious shipping capability is running hand in hand with efforts to develop the indigenous maritime industrial base.
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11 |
ID:
130843
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
The article examines U.S. foreign relations with Southeast Asia. An increase in U.S. involvement in the region under the administration of President Barack Obama is considered. A contradiction in U.S. policy is said to exist between insistence by the administration that its desire for stability and freedom of the seas in Southeast Asia is not intended as containment of China and China's aggressive maritime boundary claims in the South China Sea.
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12 |
ID:
128719
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
Buster hated anchoring. In all his years in command of frigates no other ship's evolution had developed such capacity for cock - up. As he mounted the bridge ladder he expected the worst, and was rarely disappointed. An unconvincing report, the hint of a fumble on the focsle chippy's grubby cap at an unusually rakish angle - and the bridge steps would run red.
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13 |
ID:
128738
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
Since I now live in the Gulf, it was a happy coincidence that found me in Portsmouth on 16th July 2013 and therefore able to attend the Centenary Party; and what a splendid affairs it was. I must have taken much work to prepare and I'm sure members will join me in thanking everyone involved.
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14 |
ID:
104349
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article examines to what extent the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum (ARF) has moved beyond dialogue to practical security co-operation. Focusing on terrorism, maritime security and disaster relief as key areas of ARF activities in the past few years, the paper offers four arguments: first, while the ARF primarily remains a forum for regional security dialogues and confidence building, its participants have slowly become prepared to proceed with practical security co-operation, albeit only in limited ways. To the extent that desktop and field exercises take place under ARF auspices, most have been organized in the area of disaster relief. This implies, second, that for the most part ARF participants are still pursuing capacity building and operational security responses outside the Forum. Third, the ARF's cautious embrace of practical co-operation is not the outcome of ASEAN's exercise of diplomatic centrality but the result of initiatives pursued by a small group of ASEAN and some non-ASEAN states. Fourth, at least in the short term, any expectations that participants might organize significantly more demanding practical activities under ARF auspices are premature.
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15 |
ID:
171454
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Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2020.
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Description |
lii, 587p.: tables, figures, mapshbk
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Standard Number |
9789389137439
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
059863 | 327.5/CHI 059863 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
059864 | 327.5/CHI 059864 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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16 |
ID:
131178
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17 |
ID:
130868
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Asia's reliance on international, seaborne energy trade is conducive to strategic cooperation. Whether this will outweigh strategic competition is far from certain. The Asia-Pacific accounts for a large and growing share of the world's energy-demand growth. With imports rising faster than consumption, the region is rapidly becoming the new centre of gravity for global energy markets. Such dynamics have made energy security a key policy concern for Asian states. The naval capacities of these countries are also growing swiftly, prompting some analysts to ask whether an arms race has begun. Although no one would suggest that this build-up of naval power is primarily driven by the need to secure energy supplies, the Chinese and Indian governments have identified energy and resource security as one rationale for developing naval power, particularly blue-water capabilities.
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18 |
ID:
134019
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Robert Ayson comments on the South China Sea. Asia's regional security and New Zealand foreign policy
as the powers jostle in a more competitive Asia-Pacific region, it may seem counter-intuitive to call for a clearer New Zealand position on the South China Sea disputes. But even as regional tensions grow, Wellington can stick up for its principles without joining a chorus of China criticism. Under the key government, New Zealand's alignment with the United States is becoming more pronounced through a series of small but cumulatively important steps. this makes it even more important for New Zealand's policy to be staked out clearly, including in written from accessible to the public discussion.
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19 |
ID:
059892
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20 |
ID:
091112
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
Maritime security in Southeast Asia is a subject that is drawing greater attention in view of the rise of non-traditional security threats such as piracy, maritime terrorism, drug smuggling and illegal migration. Australia and India have taken significantly different approaches to providing support to the Southeast Asian states in their maritime security initiatives.
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