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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
074599
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| Edition |
2nd ed.
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| Publication |
Bloomington, Game Designers Workshop, 1991.
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| Description |
64p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
1558780939
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033204 | 956.7043/CHA 033204 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
003117
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| Publication |
Canberra, Australian National Univ., 1991.
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| Description |
10p.pbk
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| Series |
Strategic Defence Studies Centre; no. 233
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| Standard Number |
0731512049
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033131 | 956.7043/SAI 033131 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
025704
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| Publication |
DelhI, H K Publishers, 1991.
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| Description |
331p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
8185318504
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032982 | 956.053/CHA 032982 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
176540
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Qatar crisis erupted in June 2017, Turkey quickly sided with Qatar, sending tons of food supplies and deploying troops in the Emirate. Yet, from a purely geopolitical and economic perspective, Turkey would have been expected not to take sides given its much larger trade relations with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and their political clout in the region and beyond. It seems that the path dependence in bilateral relations between Turkey and Qatar pre-ordained the former’s reaction. More specifically, by the time the Gulf crisis erupted, Turkey and Qatar had already developed a special relationship, which strongly affected Turkey’s pro-Qatar stance
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| 5 |
ID:
002813
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| Publication |
Boulder, Westview Press, 1992.
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| Description |
xxxvi,758p.hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. XIV
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| Standard Number |
0813314496
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 034319 | 028.70956/AYA 034319 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 6 |
ID:
098790
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| 7 |
ID:
183252
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, Oman has been recognised as a key mediator in the Gulf and the wider Middle East. The successful completion of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, in particular, firmly cemented its reputation as a peacemaker. To fully understand Omani mediation practices in the region, Muscat’s mediation must be placed within the context of the Sultanate’s wider foreign policy, and all known mediations must be assembled in one place in order to develop a typology to better understand forms and patterns. Ultimately, mediation both serves and is enabled by the Sultanate’s foreign policy. This was not an inevitable outcome. Over the course of Qaboos’ reign, Oman has developed into an ‘Interlocutor State’, in which the practice of mediation has become an important tool in furthering the central goals of preserving Oman’s independent foreign policy, and thus ultimately the Sultanate’s sovereignty and security itself.
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| 8 |
ID:
004257
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| Publication |
Eliamep, Hellenic foundation for Defence and Foreign policy, 1991.
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| Description |
xv, 426p.
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| Series |
Hellnic Foundation for Defence and Foreign Policy
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| Standard Number |
9607061012
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 033114 | 355.0094/COU 033114 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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