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| 1 |
ID:
183181
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| Summary/Abstract |
Celebrated as a nutrition champion, Odisha state in India has achieved significant improvements in nutrition of its women and children. The overall progress, however, masks familiar inequities, evidenced in significantly higher levels of stunting, wasting and underweight in children. The article examines access, a key underlying determinant of undernutrition, to two nutrition government schemes of Odisha—the Supplementary Nutrition Programme and Mamata—for the most vulnerable groups in the state’s Angul district. The study identifies limited awareness and lack of proactive disclosure of scheme information, excessive distance from centres that provide the schemes, caste-based power dynamics and weak monitoring institutions as key factors restricting access of specific social groups to these two schemes. The article examines the factors constraining access and considers potential solutions to overcome these bottlenecks in order to provide more effective protection mechanisms.
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| 2 |
ID:
178427
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the emergence of the neo-Taliban and its encroachment in non-Pashtun regions after the debacle of the old Taliban following the post 9/11 US-led NATO intervention in Afghanistan. It seeks to understand what aspirations drive the neo-Taliban and how they have reframed their ideology after 2001, leading to growing acceptance of a future role for the neo-Taliban in Afghanistan, while foreign-led counterinsurgency seems to fail. The article argues that due to the extremely fractious nature and continuing precariousness of the Afghan political climate, the neo-Taliban could emerge as a formidable power, with an agenda of bringing peace and stability to the entire ‘Af-Pak’ region. However, to what extent the neo-Taliban may be successful in countering widely held perceptions that it is a Pashtun nationalist movement, antagonistic to women, dissent and minorities, remains part of the challenging puzzle, as much for analysts as for the movement itself, which is not trusted in terms of delivering good governance in Afghanistan.
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| 3 |
ID:
183020
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the Algerian Civil War of the 1990s responsibility for both targeted assassinations of prominent politicians and political activists and largescale massacres was frequently ascribed to both the government and the Islamic insurgents of the GIA. The same was true of the more mundane but much more numerous level of individuals who fell foul of both sides in the conflict and were frequently the targets of both. Using material from the asylum tribunals of several western countries this article describes how the widespread fear among the Algerian population was the result of the strategies of the government and GIA that both sought to intimidate, punish and exact revenge at a personal level leading to a widespread social dislocation.
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| 4 |
ID:
006570
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| Publication |
Houndmills, Macmillan, 1995.
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| Description |
xviii, 329p.
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| Standard Number |
0333638212
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 038319 | 327.1/BUL 038319 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
080578
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Commemoration of the Northern Ireland Troubles has gained increasing currency since the inception of the first paramilitary ceasefires in 1994. Imagined initially as a mechanism through which to express grief and acknowledge loss, remembering the past has an increasingly social and political value. Inscribing narratives of the past into the streetscape is inexorably linked to the present as some of the main actors of the conflict vie for power and territory. A political resource, memorializtion has been employed as a tool to alter the parameters of the Troubles. This paper focuses on the changing fortunes of Sinn Féin (the political wing of the paramilitary organiztion the Irish Republican Army), and the British government in peacetime Northern Ireland, through an examination of the commemoration of their respective dead
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| 6 |
ID:
141777
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| Summary/Abstract |
More than 60 years of de facto military rule through the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) 1958 in India’s northeast has engendered neither stability nor peace. Problems regarding the impunity of violence and crime, official corruption and the virtual collapse of the rule of law continue, but the Act remains in operation. This article attempts to reframe the debates on the AFSPA in terms of its necessity by turning the necessity argument on its head and arguing that the secessionist insurgencies which were originally used to justify the Act have actually long ceased to exist. Since the principle of existential necessity that provided a fig leaf to the Act no longer applies, its continued application needs to be re-examined. It is further argued that the Indian military’s increasing clout in internal security policy-making may have grave implications for Indian democracy itself, with negative impacts on the rule of law and in relation to safe inclusion strategies for India’s northeast.
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| 7 |
ID:
049338
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| Publication |
New York, W W Norton and Company, 1993.
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| Description |
272p.
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| Standard Number |
0393034119
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036627 | 320.01/KEN 036627 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
062206
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| Publication |
London, Routledge Curzon, 2005.
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| Description |
xiii, 224p.
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| Standard Number |
0415346126
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049660 | 330.95/BOY 049660 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
183177
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the Sealdah railway station in Calcutta, West Bengal, as a site of refugee ‘settlement’ in the aftermath of British India’s partition. From 1946 to the late 1960s, the platforms of Sealdah remained crowded with Bengali Hindu refugees from East Pakistan. Some refugees stayed a few days, but many stayed for months, even years. Relying on newspaper reports, autobiographical accounts and official archives, this article elaborates how a busy railway station uniquely shaped the experiences of partition refugees. Despite severe infrastructural limitations, the railway platforms of Sealdah provided these refugee residents with certain opportunities. Many preferred to stay at Sealdah instead of moving to any government facility. However, even for the most long-term residents of Sealdah, it remained a temporary home, from where they were either shifted to government camps or themselves found accommodation in and around Calcutta. The article argues that by allowing the refugees to squat on a busy railway platform for months and years, the state recognised a unique right of these refugees, their right to wait, involving at least some agency in the process of resettling.
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| 10 |
ID:
140242
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Maintaining a liveable environment in Vietnam's polluted craft villages is a daily challenge for state authorities and residents. Neighbouring urban populations demand that the state effectively curtails and manages pollution, while local residents prioritise their livelihoods and routinely flout regulations. The commune official, tasked with the seemingly impossible task of environmental regulation, occupies a fraught position, torn between the imperatives and constraints of craft producers and state regulatory demands. This study of water pollution in northern Vietnam's craft villages finds that commune officials' conflicted role in environmental governance is a central factor in the failure of the current environmental governance regime, and reflects the internally conflicted nature of the Vietnamese state.
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| 11 |
ID:
148948
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study assesses the capabilities of business associations for conducting meaningful policy engagements with government. Using information from 21 associations and five state institutions, this work investigates the level of autonomy and ability of business associations to coordinate and order their interests for policy decision-making. Findings reveal that the ability to organise an association's own interests is hindered by weak systems and internal structures, especially at sub-sector level. Most associations are financially weak, have limited professional expertise and experience a low level of commitment from members, which affects their capacity for autonomy. It is important that business associations create regulations to make membership ties binding, so as to strengthen their influence on policy. Associations should also be more aggressive in mobilising finances, and they should identify synergies and develop partnerships with the state to build their capacity for participating in policy-making.
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| 12 |
ID:
117918
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article challenges the assumption that the boundaries of state versus non-state and public versus private can readily be drawn. It argues that the roles of actors - as state or non-state - and the forms of authority - public or private - are not pre-given but are forged through the process of governing. Drawing on neo-Gramscian and governmentality perspectives, it suggests that a more dynamic account of the state can offer a more nuanced means of analysing the process of governing global environmental affairs. In order to understand this process and the outcomes of governing climate change, we argue that analysis should focus on the hegemonic projects and programmes through which the objects and subjects of governing are constituted and contested, and through which the form and nature of the state and authority are accomplished. We suggest that this is a process achieved and held in place through 'forging alignment' between diverse social and material entities in order to achieve the 'right disposition of things' through which the will to govern climate change can be realized (Murray Li, 2007a). We illustrate this argument by examining the governing of climate change in two global cities, London and Los Angeles.
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| 13 |
ID:
103711
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As socio-medical phenomena, epidemics are revealing of the cultures in which they are experienced. The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa exposes antecedent tensions between state and society, and, on a broader canvas, between the global north and south. As a contribution to the emerging literature on the social ramifications of HIV/AIDS, this article examines the saga of the Nigerian physician and immunologist, Dr Jeremiah Abalaka, who like other innovators in sub-Saharan Africa claims to have developed a curative HIV vaccine. Whilst articulating the social conditions that enabled Abalaka to thrive, the article explores the marked differences in the reaction to his 'discovery' among state representatives, the scientific establishment, the general public, people living with HIV, and the media. Finally, the article valorizes the emergence of new actors in the African health sector, and the diversity of strategies used by ordinary people to achieve and maintain wellness.
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| 14 |
ID:
117645
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the July 2009 Boko Haram terrorist outburst in Nigeria, there have been increasing questions on the phenomenon in the country. There has not been any substantial analysis on the emergence of the Boko Haram group and its terrorist activities in Nigeria as the out-rage continues. This study is advanced to explain the phenomenon of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. It employs the levels of analysis framework popular in the field of international relations to explain the terrorism at three major levels: individual, state and international. The study relies on dependable news reports, which include interviews with key actors relevant to the subject matter, and finds that Boko Haram terrorism has its roots in the ideology and motivations of its founder and members, the failures and deficiencies of the Nigerian state, and the modern trend of religious terrorism in the international system.
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| 15 |
ID:
092006
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article I argue that domestic space has to theorized as an important center of religious practice and socio-political activism. Born-again and devout Muslim women in the Ferghana Valley (Uzbekistan) use domestic space as an important sacred place for religious abservance and socialization equal to the mosques. This sacred place has a special meaning for born-again and devout Muslim as it carries a promise of personal and social change. In the context of religious and political persecution by the Uzbek state, domestic space is experienced as a politically safe place and as a critically important site of socio-political criticism and activism, as some intimate in-house discussions about religious, political, and social oppression take a form of public protest on the streets.
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| 16 |
ID:
155315
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through most of the seventeenth century, European states used an “imaginary” boundary in the Atlantic referred to as “the line” to cordon off the affairs of Europe from those in the New World. The line structured colonial rule, captured in the phrase “there is no peace beyond the line.” However, by the middle of the eighteenth century, the idea of “the line” no longer held. Common explanations ranging from the rise of capitalism, technology, and interstate competition do not explain this shift. Instead, I argue that the “golden age of piracy” was instrumental. In giving this explanation, I argue that the empire turn in IR has under-theorized the tensions between state and empire in the modern era. I introduce the state–empire hybrid polity as one that is constantly mediating the tensions between the difference characteristic of empire and the integration of the state. “The line” was how European states mediated this tension in the seventeenth century. Pirates took advantage of the open markets and ungoverned spaces inherent in the line, causing a crisis in colonial rule. To defeat piracy and make the world safe for trade, these tensions needed to be remediated and “the line” transformed. As an unintended consequence, this put further strain on England’s North American empire.
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| 17 |
ID:
182405
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper re-visits secondary literature on racial capitalism and problematises the Nigerian oil-dependent capitalist economy. The economy of oil extraction dispossesses the peasants of their land and exposes them to pollution. This Oil economy creates a contradiction by producing the agent of its transformation; the community-based social movements. The state and the capital respond to these contradictions by instrumentalizing differences to prevent communal solidarity. Consequently, the indigenous people are racialised as a minority people and within the oil-producing region as sub-ethnic communities. The absence of communal solidarity promotes unmitigated environmental disaster, state hegemony and high returns for the capital; local and global in Nigeria.
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| 18 |
ID:
192177
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| Summary/Abstract |
Examining the “world's largest cash-based social policy” through the lens of care reveals widely shared scalar imaginaries and the productivity of care in constituting scale. In standardizing the minimum livelihood guarantee (dibao), officials, applicants and researchers in rural Sichuan cited both “too much” and “not enough” care at the scale of the family in recommending or rejecting state assistance. Different levels of organization (scale1) were not stable bases with specific sizes and qualities (scale2) that enabled or limited care. Dibao-related practices were evaluated as an appropriate (“filial piety”), insufficient (“individualism”) or excessive (“corruption”) amount of family care. Care became an indicator of kinship measurements and a marker of state boundaries. Thus, scale (in both meanings) was enacted in China, as elsewhere, through negotiations of needs and responsibilities, through evaluations of care practices and their outcomes. In this sense, care scales.
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| 19 |
ID:
156284
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the efforts of the Amazigh (Berber) identity movement during the last 7 years to redefine the content of North African states’ collective national identities, and the responses of state and other societal actors during a period of renewed political contestation. In highlighting the increasingly charged and contested political environment in North Africa, it argues that (a) the Berber-Amazigh identity movement has registered important symbolic achievements, (b) translating these symbolic achievements into concrete ones remains enormously difficult, and (c) the discourse and praxis of the Amazigh current has become increasingly militant, and even ethnonational.
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| 20 |
ID:
187121
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| Summary/Abstract |
Institutional births increased in India from 39% to 79% between 2005 and 2015. Drawing from 17 months of fieldwork, this article traces the shift from home to hospital births across three generations in a hamlet in Assam in Northeast India. Here, too, one finds that most births have shifted from home to hospital in less than a decade, aided by multiple factors. These include ‘free’ birthing facilities and financial incentives offered by government schemes, idiosyncratic changes within the hamlet, such as the introduction of biomedical practices through home births where oxytocin was used, and changes in cultural belief systems among local people. The exploration reveals significant transitions between (and fluidities of) categories such as local/global, tradition/modernity, past/present and nature/technology, creating a complex and ambivalent narrative of change, in which the voices of mothers should not be ignored.
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