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| 1 |
ID:
027133
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| Publication |
Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1965.
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| Description |
viii, 240p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
0804702241
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012691 | 931.03/HSU 012691 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
113340
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| 3 |
ID:
074283
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| 4 |
ID:
132045
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the early part of the 21st century, Chinese academic circles made judgments and forecasts about US. war aims in Afghanistan and the Middle East, the possible process of the wars, and outcomes of postwar reconstruction. After the U.S.-led attack on Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, and its military invasion of Iraq on March 20, 2003, these big events were analyzed in the context of the international politics of the time. Since these two conflicts are coming to a conclusion, at least in their direct military scope, it is time to look back upon the forecasting framework to see whether alterations and improvements can be made. On December l8, 2011, all American combat troops pulled out of lraq, and the end is in sight for U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan-either in December 20l4, or thereafter.
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| 5 |
ID:
122841
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| 6 |
ID:
087820
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| 7 |
ID:
172143
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Military spending associated with wars has been a major cause of government deficits and debt financing. This paper looks at the association between debt and defence spending in the UK over the last three centuries. The paper reviews the history, discusses the theory and provides some estimates of the effect of variations in military expenditure on debt. The association tends to be quite close and the effect of the change in the share of military spending in GDP on the debt–GDP ratio is quite stable.
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| 8 |
ID:
132140
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New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2014.
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| Description |
xvii, 284p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789381904732
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057806 | 623.7469073/JHA 057806 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058631 | 623.7469073/JHA 058631 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
124910
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The "New Politics" in the U.S. is escalating the polarization of politics. The Republican and Democratic Parties hold conflicting views on such vital issues as debt reduction, balancing the budget, reform of medical care and social security, immigration, and ways of ending the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This aggravated polarization ushered in by the "New Politics" will also influence American foreign policy, especially Sino-U.S. relations.
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| 10 |
ID:
126066
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2013.
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Still preoccupied with inter- and intrastate wars, IR [International Relations] wants to know why wars happen and how they end. It is the period between these two moments that IR war studies has not concerned itself or seriously engaged with. (Parashar 2013, 617, this special section)
This is one of the important points that Swati Parashar makes in her contribution to the discussion here on critical war studies. She offers a number of examples of life 'between these two moments' and life as it is when war in Sri Lanka is said to be over (but is not, in all aspects). She also insists, as another important and underexplored second point, that IR (thinks it) knows war but does not consider the possibility that war knows something about international relations and IR. Is it preposterous that war could know more about those bits of itself blanked out of IR than the master field knows?
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| 11 |
ID:
073839
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2006.
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RENÉE DE NEVERS explores how ''new'' wars-ranging from civil wars to asymmetric war-and new warriors, including warlords, private security companies, and children, fit within the Geneva Conventions. Although the nature of warfare and warriors has changed from the time the Conventions were adopted in 1949, she challenges the view that the Conventions should be abandoned. Rather, she argues, the Conventions should be revitalized to address a broader spectrum of war, because this will generate greater international support for U.S. efforts to combat terrorism.
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| 12 |
ID:
124964
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Penguin Books India Pvt. Ltd., 2005.
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| Description |
xvii, 712p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9780141020808
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057520 | 958.104/COL 057520 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
094453
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2010.
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Critics of US intelligence focus extensively on the alleged inability and unwillingness of intelligence agencies to learn and adapt. Analysis of eight counterinsurgency wars suggests instead that external factors largely influence the intelligence-related performance of whole governments, including organizational structures, unity of effort and command, adequacy of resources, and leadership quality. Assessment of the performance of US intelligence since 9/11 indicates that the same variables influence the performance of US intelligence, suggesting that the US intelligence reform debate focuses too narrowly and on the wrong factors.
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| 14 |
ID:
088124
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2009.
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This article traces the chronology of the interwar decline of European influence and power, arguing that its origins outside Europe are to be found as much in the paradoxical status of international administration of colonial and post-colonial areas as in the direct challenges posed to European stability by revisionist states in the early 1930s. It demonstrates that an inherent ambivalence toward the interwar colonial world and its relationship to Europe presaged and conditioned the collapse of Europe's own balance of power.
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| 15 |
ID:
154025
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| 16 |
ID:
117820
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2012.
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War frequently leads to large increases in taxes, regulation, and government spending-both for the military and ostensibly unrelated domestic programs. Conservatives should not ignore that war is the most prominent cause, directly or indirectly, of the massive welfare state that has been erected in the United States. Many conservatives today might argue that despite the conflict-induced ill effects of ballooning government, war is sometimes necessary for US security. However, this analysis shows that even most of the nation's big wars were unneeded, foolish, or counterproductive-particularly the post-World War II prosecution of small imperial brushfire wars and nation building.
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| 17 |
ID:
075448
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| 18 |
ID:
139736
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN THE LAST QUARTER of a century, it has become clear that neither great powers nor small and average states nor even the United States are happy with international chaos. No wonder, there is a (still latent) desire to move to a new international horizon of confidence and predictable behavior of all subjects of international relations. This is hardly surprising since in the last few years the world has been facing the unpredictable United States, the mightiest of international subjects, which has imposed on mankind a choice between a new world order and a worldwide military catastrophe. Is there a force strong enough to offer an alternative to the slipping into an abyss of hopelessness and initiate adequate measures? Which country except Putin's Russia can shoulder the burden? Has the world found itself at the threshold of another Cold War which offers no choice but a third world war?
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| 19 |
ID:
074361
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| 20 |
ID:
127570
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One hundred years ago, the world unknowingly was months away from stumbling into the most violent era of war and political upheaval ever seen. It was a geopolitical and human disaster that lasted for decades-world wars, collapsed empires, communist revolution, economic depression, fascism, totalitarianism, genocide, atomic weapons, and the existential terror of the Cold War. As many as 200 million people lost their lives in this era to violence and deprivation. Hatred, insecurity, and despotism
proliferated on a global scale.
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