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| 1 |
ID:
089389
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
From 2006 to 2008 the predominant theme in the Chinese media was preparations for the 2008 Olympics. These preparations were not merely about putting up new sports stadiums; China also underwent a massive public etiquette campaign, aimed at "civilizing" Chinese citizens. This was nominally so they could be good hosts during the Beijing Olympics. The 2006-08 emphasis on Olympic-related news coverage and the ongoing public morals campaign was what I have called a campaign of mass distraction: a propaganda campaign designed to mobilize the population around a common goal, and distract them from more troubling issues such as inflation, unemployment, political corruption and environmental degradation. This article discusses China's Olympics propaganda within the context of the modernization of the Chinese Communist Party's propaganda system - which has included incorporating practices originating in modern democratic states - and considers in what way changes in the propaganda system reflect changes in China's system of political control.
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| 2 |
ID:
098867
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has begun a new phase in its Antarctic engagement. Beijing has dramatically increased Chinese scientific activities on the frozen continent and is looking to take on more of a leadership role there. This paper draws connections between China's expanded Antarctic program and debates on its foreign and domestic policies.
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| 3 |
ID:
092161
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The issue of whether or not the current regime in China is sustainable is one of the key questions of interest to specialists on Chinese politics today. The authors of this paper contend that the CCP government has actually strengthened its hold on power in recent years, rather than weakening it, as so many analysts predicted. The paper uses CCP propaganda work in the current era as a lens to consider why this might be so and utilizes the term 'Popular Authoritarianism' to describe China's new political order.
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| 4 |
ID:
118419
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| 5 |
ID:
046086
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2003.
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| Description |
x, 210p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0700714936
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046784 | 951.05/BRA 046784 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
109841
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| 7 |
ID:
050626
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| Publication |
Lanham, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2003.
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| Description |
xvi, 286p.
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| Series |
Asia/Pacific/Perspectives
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| Standard Number |
0742518620
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047745 | 327.51/BRA 047745 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
018133
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| Publication |
Dec 2000.
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| Description |
943-964
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| 9 |
ID:
142575
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government engages in a vast range of measures aimed at moulding global and domestic public opinion on the Taiwan issue. The Taiwan frames set by the CCP are not just aimed at shaping domestic Chinese public opinion and global discourse on Taiwan-related matters; they also succeed in curtailing the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan's global political and commercial space. The CCP's Taiwan frames are in direct conflict with the evolving “Taiwanese identity” frames coming out of the ROC. Moreover, they form part of the CCP government's wider ideological project to frame global concepts of “Chineseness,” which is aimed at combating other ideological challenges to that trope such as the Falun Gong movement, Tibetan independence activism and Chinese democracy groups. Yet, political, economic and technological changes in the PRC and globally suggest that, despite the CCP government's increased efforts, it may be harder than ever to ensure that the CCP frames have the desired effect.
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| 10 |
ID:
118424
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government works hard to promote an image of ethnic harmony in China and downplays ethnic conflict by carefully controlling public information and debate about ethnic affairs. Despite such efforts, the recent clashes in Tibetan areas in 2008 and violent riots in Urumqi in 2009 reveal the weaknesses of this approach. This paper surveys the broad themes of ethnic propaganda (????, minzu xuanchuan) in present-day China, looking at the organisations involved, the systems of information management they utilise, and the current "go" and "no-go" zones for debate. The paper forms part of a larger study of the politics of ethnicity in China. It is based on primary- and secondary-source research in Chinese, secondary sources in English, and extensive interviews with Chinese bureaucrats and scholars regarding China's ethnic affairs conducted during fieldwork in China in 2002, 2004, 2005-2006, 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2012. Ethnic issues in China concern not only the minority peoples there, but also the majority Han - hence, my definition of ethnic propaganda incorporates materials relating to all of China's ethnic groups. The paper uses the events in Tibetan areas in 2008 and in Urumqi as case studies to demonstrate how these policies play out in periods of crisis. It concludes with a discussion of the role that ethnic propaganda plays in maintaining China's long-term political stability and its international affairs.
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