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| 1 |
ID:
131909
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Pakistan is viewed today as a haven for fundamentalist Islamists. This essay probes the genealogy of Pakistan's Islamisation by focusing on the rule of President Ayub Khan (1958-69) and extends to the war of 1971 and the dismembering of Pakistan during Yahya Khan's presidency. I trace Ayub Khan's project of 'modernising Islam and the nation' by probing three sites: the transformation of the Pakistani military into a jihadic army; the re-writing of history to craft an Islamic identity; and the reformation of East Pakistani Bengalis to make them 'good Muslim subjects'. Ayub Khan's experiment was a failure, leading to the violent dismembering of the country in 1971, yet an ethical imaginaire of renewing the commitment to creating a humanistic moral community continues to be an ongoing quest in Pakistan, as reflected in my investigations of the oral testimonies of war veterans. Fulfilling these ethical concerns requires critical evaluation of the roots of Islamisation in Pakistan, beginning from the period of Ayub Khan's presidency.
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| 2 |
ID:
110328
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| 3 |
ID:
119588
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| 4 |
ID:
156219
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| 5 |
ID:
106547
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the deeply contested approaches of 'political Islam' towards modern democracy in Bangladesh, the third largest Muslim country in the world, where sharia law is not the source of public law and where a democratic government is in place. Selecting the political manifestos and constitutions of three different influential Islamist parties, the Jamat e Islami Bangladesh, Hizbut Tahrir Bangladesh and Jamatul Mujahedeen Bangladesh, the study examines through discourse analysis why Islamists take such a hostile approach towards democracy. At first sight, Islamists desire the establishment of an alternative governing system, such as the Caliphate, to replace the present parliamentary system of governance in Bangladesh. Islamists also advocate a change of state philosophy from 'People's Republic of Bangladesh' to an 'Islamic State', arguing that sharia should be the legal framework of the country. The key finding of this research, however, is that Political Islam in Bangladesh is also perceived as a reaction to globalisation and that this global aspect, in theory and practice, may be more powerful as a reactive agent than local/national politics.
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| 6 |
ID:
183993
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This article examines the effects of Islamisation processes among Israeli Muslim Arabs on their intercommunal relations with Christian Arabs before and after the ‘Arab Spring’, based on 45 in-depth interviews held prior to and after this momentous event. The findings show the complex role played by Islamisation in Muslim-Christian relations, causing tensions and distancing at times while promoting intercommunal cooperation on other instances. They also reveal that in addition to the Islamic Movement, three other main socio-religious subsets played a role in Islamisation: secular, traditional and Salafi. Finally, since the onset of the ‘Arab Spring’, the religious identity of Israeli Muslims has remained central but the power of Islamic segments seems to have declined. Under these circumstances, Muslims and Christians tended to grow socially distant from each other, though no substantial tensions were evident.
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| 7 |
ID:
157967
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| Publication |
London, C Hurst and Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
xi, 266p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9781849044325
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059336 | 658.408091767/PET 059336 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
137960
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Islamic republic of Pakistan was created in the name of Islam, but Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the father of the nation, wanted a secular Muslim state and not a theocratic Islamic state controlled by fundamentalists.
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| 9 |
ID:
118873
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| 10 |
ID:
109545
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| 11 |
ID:
046751
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Perseus, 2002.
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| Description |
xxi, 197p.
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| Standard Number |
0738207454
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045634 | 297.197/MER 045634 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
089862
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| 13 |
ID:
115253
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Islamic fundamentalism is a multifarious movement with diverse manifestations, components, and contextual historical and societal conditions. While the radical Islamists, for instance, seek to impose change from above through holy wars, others pursue a bottom-up approach to bring about the re-Islamisation of the society through extensive networks of social activity. Regardless of their particularistic properties, all Islamist groups, however, share a common goal of establishing an Islamic order (nizam Islami) for the actualisation of Muslim life. The fundamentalists may not have registered considerable success in electoral terms, but they continue to dominate political discourse because their message is capable of attracting a broad spectrum of society. On the basis of a broad understanding of Islamic fundamentalism as a religio-political movement, this article attempts a comparative study of the phenomenon in Pakistan and Bangladesh, two leading Muslim states of South Asia. By examining the historical and social context, internal political developments including the role of state in promoting religious agenda and the varying impact of extraneous factors, the article argues that while Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh is containable, accomplishing it in Pakistan will be difficult because of the state appropriation of Islam in political discourse guaranteeing the movement's staying power.
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| 14 |
ID:
096286
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between religious, ethnic and national identities in Malaysia has long been fraught with uncomfortable tensions-especially for the 50 percent of Malaysians who are outside the dominant Malay-Muslim communal grouping. Until the accession of Dr Mahathir to the prime ministership at the beginning of the 1980s, it was clear that ethnic identity trumped religious identity, even though being Muslim was already intrinsic to being accepted as Malay. Being a non-Malay Malaysian was to accept a subordinate, but not a drastically uncomfortable role in the nation. Since the 1980s, however, religious identity appears to have replaced ethnicity as the central element of nation identity as the society has been systematically-even aggressively-Islamised. Yet appearances can be deceiving, and there is a strong case to be made that Islamisation in Malaysia is basically a variation of the original Malay ethnonationalism, using the nearly complete symbiosis between Malay and Muslim identity as the point of articulation that allows religious nationalism to serve as a cipher for ethnonationalism-but a version of ethnonationalism that is much less accommodating of minorities than was traditional Malay nationalism. This article places contemporary events in a historical context and then focuses on just one aspect of Malaysia's program of Islamisation that is both contemporary and central to national identity-developments in the education system, and particularly within the secondary school history curriculum-to demonstrate that in this instance at least, religious nationalism is operating as a surrogate for ethnic nationalism and has, in fact, intensified ethnic nationalism by raising the stakes for the communities that are outside the core national group.
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| 15 |
ID:
090339
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The familiar dichotomies 'modern and traditional', 'public and private', and 'secular and religious' have long been considered self-evident analytical categories in the social sciences. In recent years, however, an academic paradigm shift, together with the influence of post-colonial theories, has led many to question such binaries in an attempt to go beyond and dissolve them. The following examination of local practices within a South Asian culture in the context of modernity and globalisation takes this approach. The first section is a retrospective look at twentieth-century historical discourses about family systems among Muslims in South India. The second part analyses recent changes in cultural practices within the same group, focusing on the impact that migration and 'Islamisation' have had on gender relations over the past three or four decades. By 'Islamisation' I do not mean a fixed ideology, but a changing perception that strengthens religious and cultural values among people who consider themselves Muslims.
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| 16 |
ID:
129295
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| 17 |
ID:
046748
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| Publication |
Boulder, Westview Press, 2002.
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| Description |
xi, 340p.
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| Standard Number |
0813340187
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045636 | 297.197/SHA 045636 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
114686
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper surveys the roles of seven Chinese associations in Kuala Terengganu in maintaining and propagating Chinese culture within a Malay state. These associations have played significant roles in maintaining and propagating Chinese culture as far as the range of cultural activities hosted by them is concerned. There is also a reasonable level of state cultural leadership, though lacking in certain areas. But the small population and the outflow of the younger generation have presented a host of problems to the Chinese associations with regard to the required critical mass, pool of talent, injection of ideas and second-tier leadership. The lack of financial support is yet another problem arising from the peripheral role of the Chinese in the state economy and their small numbers. Meanwhile, leaders of the Chinese associations exercise restraint so as not to infringe on Malay religious sensitivity when hosting outdoor cultural activities during the Muslim ritual periods. They also exhibit a high degree of tolerance towards Islamisation programmes undertaken by the state as long as these programmes do not encroach into their private socio-cultural domains. Despite their small population, the Chinese in Kuala Terengganu are a politically significant minority as a result of the political outbidding among the Malays. Leaders of the Chinese associations have benefited from such a position in resolving certain long-standing cultural issues.
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| 19 |
ID:
049076
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Deep and Deep Publications, 1997.
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| Description |
v. 1.(ix, 393p.), v. 2. (xiv, 491p.), v.3. (ix, 549p.)hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. 1. Towards independence-the pre-1947 period
Vol. 2. Independence and beyond: the fifty years-1947-97
Vol. 3. Fifty years of Pakistan's independence: a chronology of events-1947-97
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| Standard Number |
8171009263
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Copies: C:3/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039293 | 954.91/GRO 039293 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 039294 | 954.91/GRO 039294 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 039295 | 954.91/GRO 039295 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
119176
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