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| 1 |
ID:
073146
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Ashgate, 2006.
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| Description |
xvi, 234p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0754644812
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051501 | 973.931/HUN 051501 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
105308
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This is a review of a recently published book on Salafiyya in Morocco. The author of the book, Abdelhakim Aboullouz, has conducted a socio-anthropological research on two Salafi movements in Marrakech. With my background knowledge of the topic, I have tried to read Aboullouz's book with a critical perspective: can Salafiyya be defined by only two movements? How far has Aboullouz been loyal to his socio-anthropological approach?
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| 3 |
ID:
087551
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| 4 |
ID:
097323
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| 5 |
ID:
052386
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| Publication |
London, VERSO, 2002.
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| Description |
ix, 342p.
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| Standard Number |
1859846793
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045558 | 230.046/ALI 045558 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
046418
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| Publication |
Malden, Blackwell Publishing, 2003.
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| Description |
xii, 494p.
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| Standard Number |
0631220313
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046327 | 320.12/AGN 046327 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
050272
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| 8 |
ID:
067701
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| Publication |
DelhI, Aakar Books, 2006.
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| Description |
x, 175p.
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| Standard Number |
818787967x
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050624 | 320.52/SCH 050624 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
079834
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Democratic Fundamentalism or "Democratism" is a political theory, mostly developed in the USA by neo-conservative ideologues that claims global relevance since it holds that all human beings want personal freedom that can best be provided by western style liberal democracy. Henri Favre reminds us that the doctrine is used to justify American interventionism and hegemonism but ignores important social and cultural realities and makes short shrift of historic and geographic diversity. Hence, its applications in a neo-colonial context often have disastrous consequences
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| 10 |
ID:
085201
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper intends to offer a framework of understanding the dual rise of
econo-centric capitalism and logo-centric fundamentalism as a dialectical
process of mutual generation and destruction in the long historical struggles
between ideas and values on the one hand, and material life and society on
the other. "Mutual generation and destruction" implies a dialectical process
in which the deification of the free market and the global expansion of
market capitalism have unavoidably generated mounting contradictions
paving the way for the resurgence of radical counter-hegemonic sociopolitical
forces. It is the analysis of this connection that leads to a better
understanding of the essence of fundamentalism rather than its appearance.
Islamic fundamentalism can be seen as a counter-hegemonic political
movement representing an outlet for action and a force for change.
Ironically, what we are witnessing today is a war between two rising
religions: Islamic revivalism and market capitalism.
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| 11 |
ID:
067338
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| 12 |
ID:
051401
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| Publication |
2004.
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| Description |
p7-22
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past two years, a set of hard-line, fundamentalist ideas have taken Washington by storm and provided the intellectual rationale for a radical post-11 September reorientation of American foreign policy. But this new fundamentalism has turned into a costly misadventure. As a grand strategic approach to global leadership, it has failed. It is hard to think of another instance in American diplomatic history where a strategic wrong turn has done so much damage to the country's international position – its prestige, credibility, security partnerships and the goodwill of other countries – in such a short time, with so little to show for it. A single-minded American campaign against terrorism and rogue states in which countries are either ‘with us or against us’ and bullied into support is not leadership but a geostrategic wrecking ball that will destroy America's own half-century old international architecture. Long after the new fundamentalist thinking fades away, American diplomats will be repairing the damaged relations and political disarray it wrought.
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| 13 |
ID:
068650
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| 14 |
ID:
075011
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Foucault's writings on the Iranian revolution and the works of the revolutionary Islamist intelligentsia (not the clerics) are of tremendous relevance to social scientists today because they show us a way out of the internal clash of civilizations Islam suffers from. By extension this helps alleviate the confrontation between the civilizations of the West and Islam because culture clash-the fear of cultural imperialism and Westernization-is holding back the forces of modernization in the Muslim world. Iran's revolutionary thinkers, as Foucault demonstrates, were against this standoff. Afary and Anderson's review of the Foucault controversy inadvertently brings this out because the mistakes they make are paradigmatic errors made by the social sciences and many Western (and Eastern) decision-makers; assuming that modernization means secularization means Westernization.
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| 15 |
ID:
058543
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| Publication |
London, Zed Books, 2001.
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| Description |
xi, 243p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
1856499081
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045488 | 954.92/SEA 045488 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
090410
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Both the Wahhabiyya and the Mahdiyya were based on different styles of tajdid (renewal). The Mahdiyya was based on the charisma of its leader and was a leader oriented tajdid movement. The Wahhabiyya, on the other hand, was a message oriented movement, which viewed Sufism with hostility. In contrast to Sufi traditions, which embraced al-Mahdi al-Muntazar, who claimed that he was _Khalifat Rasul Allah, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab embraced tawhid (Unitarianism), as his guiding message. Consequently, the neo-Mahdiyya, which emerged during the twentieth century, shied away from radicalism, and became part of the Sudanese Political establishment. The Wahhabiyya, on the other hand, maintained its tajdid message, and gradually emerged as part of the Jihad oriented, Islamic fundamentalism.
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| 17 |
ID:
055852
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| 18 |
ID:
082399
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even though the record-setting August 2005 explosion of over 500 bombs across Bangladesh killed only three people, the question if this is a new threat arena doomed to inflict even higher casualties cannot be escaped. Narrowing a generic discussion of fundamentalism, globalisation and terrorism to Bangladesh shows how five types and three levels of fundamentalism utilise globalised channels to bring terrorism closer. Distinguishing between mainstream and extremist Islam, the study finds that while legitimate participation in political coalition making empowers Islamic parties, it also unwittingly opens doors to jihadis. Alienated by chaotic politics, as people increasingly seek religious reassurances, jihadi entrepreneurs even benefit from an opportunity: exploiting 250,000 Bihari and 300,000 Rohingya refugees languishing in Bangladesh, utilising Wahhabi money, for whatever the purpose. The case is made to absorb refugees to reduce the potential terrorist pool, and thereby give meaning to the impressive ongoing economic performance
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| 19 |
ID:
071348
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| Publication |
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1996.
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| Description |
ix, 665p.
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| Contents |
Vol 3 The Fundamentalism Project
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| Standard Number |
0226508846
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051191 | 291.0904/MAR 051191 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
075002
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the Middle East over the past half-century, three religious processes have grown together. One, the growth of fundamentalism, has received worldwide attention both by academics and journalists. The others, the bureaucratization of religion and the state co-optation of religion, of equal duration but no less importance, have received much less attention. The bureaucratization of religion focuses on the hierarchicalization of religious specialists and state co-optation of religion focuses on their neutralization as political opponents. Few commentators link the three processes. In Jordan, fundamentalism, the bureaucratization of religion (BOR), and state co-optation of religion (SCR) have become entwined sometimes in mutually supportive and sometimes in antagonistic relations. The following case study will describe and analyze the implications of this mutual entanglement for the relations of state and civil society and for the human beings simultaneously bureaucratized and "fundamentalized."
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