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ID:
105829
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The traditionally close relationship between China and Pakistan cooled off somewhat with the end of the Cold War, mainly due to China's efforts to improve its relations with India and the disappearance of the Soviet threat. While China has continued to pursue its rapprochement with India after 9/11, developments since 9/11 have reinforced the security foundations of Sino-Pak relations and have consequently reversed the downward trend in the relationship leading to enhanced cooperation in a number of areas. US involvement in Central Asia and deepening Indo-US collaboration have further increased Pakistan's strategic importance for China. Islamabad also occupies a prominent position in Beijing's energy security and its efforts to stabilize Xinjiang.
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| 2 |
ID:
104987
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A widely held perception in Oceania is that China has taken the opportunity of Western sanctions against Fiji's military-led regime to expand its influence in Fiji. Observers and media in the region were alarmed by the sudden increase of China's pledged aid to Fiji shortly after the 2006 military takeover. They are concerned that China has a well-calculated strategy of displacing traditional Western players in Fiji, most notably Australia and New Zealand. Such concern is not well founded. While China does have multiple interests, including strategic interests, in Fiji, there is no clear evidence to suggest that China aims to displace the traditional players there. China's growing influence in Fiji is part of China's global rise. Both Australia and New Zealand are committed to Fiji and the South Pacific as a whole. Given its substantial interests in Australia and New Zealand, it is not in China's interest to increase its influence in Fiji at the cost of its relations with these two traditional players.
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| 3 |
ID:
086807
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's influence in the South Pacific appears to be growing rapidly. China now has the largest number of diplomats in the region.It is observed that " It is now accepted routine that the first official overseas visit by a new head of government from the region is made to Beijing, not to Canberra, Washington or Wellington.
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| 4 |
ID:
088448
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's influence in the South Pacific appears to be growing rapidly. Some analysts are concerned that China is on its way to replacing the West as the dominant power and China's rise in the region poses a major threat to the West. However, there is no clear evidence to suggest that China's deepening involvement in the South Pacific is a calculated strategic move for its military security. The move can be strategic mainly in the sense that it has strong implications for China's reunification strategy and it serves China's long-term development strategy. The strategic value of the South Pacific to China's national security is limited at present and will remain so in the foreseeable future. China also lacks the military capability to challenge the US-led West in the region in the years to come. Chinese influence in the region is not deep-rooted and is largely based on its 'no-strings-attached' aid and its increasing economic interactions with the region. China has serious image problems in the region and these problems are unlikely to be resolved in the near future. China thus has neither the hard power nor the soft power to become a genuine hegemon in the region.
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| 5 |
ID:
078849
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article surveys the recent initiation of free trade talks by China. Of particular interest are the motives driving this innovation, particularly as regards negotiations with distant rather than regional partners, known as cross-regional trade agreements or CRTAs. This investigation is guided by the conceptual analysis presented by SolÃs and Katada in this issue of Pacific Affairs.
The authors find that the initiation of cross-regional preferential trading links allows the Chinese leadership to speed up economic development, to hedge against future trade diversion in other regions of the world, to pursue domestic reform at their own chosen pace, to develop negotiating expertise in a less tense political environment, and to advance core interests in foreign economic policy and security policy by validating the concept of a peaceful rise to power. China's recent pursuit of cross-regional FTAs is thus significant not only for the economic benefits they promise but also for their enhancement of China's national power and capacity for international leadership without provoking conflict. As a supplement to China's diplomacy, cross-regional FTA negotiations must be recognized as an important new element of China's long-term international strategy
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| 6 |
ID:
073357
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| 7 |
ID:
046461
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| Publication |
Huntington, NY, Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2000.
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| Description |
xviii, 303p.
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| Standard Number |
1560728442
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045127 | 327.73051/YAN 045127 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
047680
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| Publication |
Huntington, Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2000.
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| Description |
xviii, 303p.
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| Standard Number |
1560728442
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043714 | 327.73051/YAN 043714 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
059841
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| 10 |
ID:
097120
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| 11 |
ID:
061604
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| Publication |
May-Jun 2005.
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