Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
132057
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2 |
ID:
098222
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3 |
ID:
084690
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4 |
ID:
095013
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Publication |
2010.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article compares the results of Council of Europe and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) anti-corruption monitoring reports to two Transparency International instruments, the Corruption Perceptions Index and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention Progress Report. It constructs and applies a simple typology (four-cell matrix) consisting of the combinations of good/deficient implementation of international anti-corruption provisions and high/low level of perceived corruption. As the sources and the comparative method used cannot prove causality, the article introduces three ideal types of interpretation to discuss the relevance of the anti-corruption regulatory framework in both domestic and cross-border anti-corruption policies. In the conclusion it is argued that there is a specific Eastern European pattern of anti-corruption performance that implies a need for new strategies.
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5 |
ID:
140684
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Summary/Abstract |
“Is Japan back?” Economically, the evidence is mixed at best due largely to slowness in carrying out vital structural reforms. In electoral terms, the Liberal Democratic Party has regained much of its prior dominance under Abe Shinzo. Most problematic of all, Japan is not back at all in regaining a commanding position within East Asia, in part due to its slow economic transformation, but due also to the atavistic positions taken by Abe’s government on the historical interpretations of Japanese behavior in World War II. KEYWORDS: Abe, Abenomics, structural reform, Liberal Democratic Party, Asian regionalism.
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6 |
ID:
137616
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Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the importance of statistics for governing populations in the context of Palestine. On the basis of Michel Foucault's understanding of governmentality, I argue that social statistics represent crucial biopolitical technologies of governmentality. While statistical knowledge as a modern phenomenon originated in Western Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the case of Palestine clearly shows the importance of modern statistics beyond the OECD world. In a first step, I will elaborate on the emergence of social statistics as modern phenomena for governing populations. In this regard, the “discovery of the population” represents a fundamental prerequisite for the “birth of modern statistics” and the systematic utilization of statistical data for governing purposes. On this basis, I will argue social statistics are of crucial importance for governing the daily lives of the Palestinian population. Moreover, I will present the emergence of Palestinian statistics as a global phenomenon. It will become evident that social statistics and inferred demographic politics are essential for the sustainment of societal order in Palestine. This is particularly so regarding related inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics—namely Palestinian nation-building on the one hand and the Palestinian–Israeli demographic contestation on the other.
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7 |
ID:
119940
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8 |
ID:
091970
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
Peacebuilding supports the emergence of stable political community in states and regions struggling with a legacy of violent conflict. This then raises the question of what political community might mean in the state in question. International peacebuilding operations have answered that question in terms of the promotion of conventional state-building along the lines of the Western Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) model as the best path out of post-conflict state fragility and towards sustainable development and peace. This article argues for peacebuilding beyond notions of the liberal peace and constructions of the liberal state. Rather than thinking in terms of fragile states, it might be theoretically and practically more fruitful to think in terms of hybrid political orders, drawing on the resilience embedded in the communal life of societies within so-called fragile regions of the global South. This re-conceptualization opens new options for peacebuilding and for state formation as building political community.
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9 |
ID:
006964
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Publication |
Summer 2000.
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Description |
201-212
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10 |
ID:
104822
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11 |
ID:
103028
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12 |
ID:
115877
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13 |
ID:
112541
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
The rise of China is not a new phenomenon. The PRC's growing economic (and in a number of cases also political) involvement in Southeast
Asia and particularly in sub-Saharan Africa has caught the attention of
academics and policymakers alike. However, China's emergence as an
important actor in Latin America has only recently appeared on the radar
screen of the scholarly community and is still an under-researched area.
Eight years have passed since Chinese President Hu Jintao's first tour of
Latin America in November 2004, marking the beginning of a new phase
in Beijing's trans-Pacific relations. The significant boost in Chinese-Latin
American trade provides strong evidence for the importance of this
emerging pattern of interaction. China's trade with the region reached
180 billion USD in 2010, evincing not only an increase of 50 per cent
from 2009 but also a pattern of sharp growth since 2000, when the China-Latin America trade volume stood at just 13 billion USD. By 2007
bilateral trade had already exceeded Hu's original target of 100 billion
USD, set for 2010 (China Daily 2011; Xinhua 2008). The articles in this
issue of the Journal of Current Chinese Affairs bear strong witness to the fact
that this budding relationship has been driven mainly by a mutual desire
to accelerate economic exchange.
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14 |
ID:
121657
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15 |
ID:
163261
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Summary/Abstract |
Twentieth century institutions of global economic governance face a profound challenge adapting to the rise of emerging markets and, especially, China's rise. This is especially the case for the international tax regime, whose institutional home is the OECD and which is based on norms that favour capital exporting states. To understand the nature of the challenge posed by China, we focus on the country's engagement with a foundational norm of the international tax regime: the arm's length principle. We show that China's approach to tax cooperation is characterized by a set of apparent contradictions: conciliatory language hides an assault on the arm's length principle; a rhetoric of common cause with developing countries is contradicted by actions that maximize only China's own share of the tax ‘pie’; and a willingness to court the OECD based on the leverage gained from flirtation with outside options. In these respects, China increasingly appears to be using its market power to seek special privileges within international regimes, in ways that mirror the historical actions of the United States
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16 |
ID:
187767
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Summary/Abstract |
Contrary to expectations, economic interdependence has not tempered security conflict between China and the United States. In response to perceived domestic and external threats, the Chinese Communist Party's actions to ensure regime security have generated insecurity in other states, causing them to adopt measures to constrain Chinese firms. Security dilemma dynamics best explain the subsequent reactions from many advanced industrialized countries to the evolution of China's political economy into party-state capitalism. Party-state capitalism manifests in two signature ways: (1) expansion of party-state authority in firms through changes in corporate governance and state-led financial instruments; and (2) enforcement of political fealty among various economic actors. Together, these trends have blurred the distinction between state and private capital in China and resulted in backlash, including intensified investment reviews, campaigns to exclude Chinese firms from strategic sectors, and the creation of novel domestic and international institutions to address perceived threats from Chinese actors. The uniqueness of China's model has prompted significant reorganization of the rules governing capitalism, both nationally and globally.
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17 |
ID:
091953
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
When compared with global bodies such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and The World Bank and with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Commonwealth education programmes are modest in scale and resourcing. Yet there have been significant successes, including the Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan and the Commonwealth of Learning. The distinctive features and strengths of UNESCO and OECD in international education collaboration and partnerships are useful sources of ideas for strengthening Commonwealth education. There is considerable scope for more intense collaboration and Commonwealth-wide partnerships in addressing shared concerns.
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18 |
ID:
134046
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
The global capitalist system is at a particular historical juncture with a dilution of the capitalist core away from Western (and Japanese) centers of accumulation to China and India, among other countries. What is the nature of capitalism in these countries? Are China and India going along the same development trajectories that advanced capitalist countries followed earlier? Is their accumulation model the same as that of the OECD economies or is accumulation different under late capitalism? The author argues that capitalism in India and China is "compressed," meaning that the phases of capitalism do not follow one another in sequential order. Instead, some phases, such as primitive accumulation, may be delayed or be experienced at the same time as advanced accumulation under the corporate sector, thereby producing a mode of development that does not generate widespread employment. The author contends that capitalism in India and China is compressed and he demonstrates empirically that primitive accumulation, petty commodity producing sectors, and mature capitalism in late-industrializing countries reinforce each other, creating precarious forms of employment in the process.
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19 |
ID:
129394
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20 |
ID:
151185
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