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| 1 |
ID:
135469
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| Summary/Abstract |
South Asia has become the new theatre of geopolitics in the international system. In this phase of multilateral diplomacy, global powers seem to look the ‘regional way’ than acting as isolated actors. Here, the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) - a regional framework in South Asia has gained prominence in the sphere multilateralism. What is surprising to note, is that, though SAARC has not been able to succeed in becoming an ideal regional cooperative model but there seems to be a rising international interest to engage in SAARC by means of attaining observer status to that of an aspiration for a full membership.
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| 2 |
ID:
129716
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political landscape of South Asia has changed completely because of the formation of new governments in most of the South Asian countries. India, one of the important players in the region is going to have its general elections held in March-April 2014. China also underwent change in its leadership in 2013. Recent years have seen increased competition and repeated rivalries between China and India over the issue of their engagements with South Asian countries. China in this paper is treated as part of South Asia itself as it has over period of last few decades succeeded in connecting itself with this region through well built highways and rail-network, which has enabled China to have unrestricted access towards Arabian Sea, Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean.
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| 3 |
ID:
187978
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will have indirect consequences for relations between India and China. In the near term, those consequences appear to be mixed and limited. Over the long term, however, Moscow’s strategic misadventure threatens Russia’s position as an independent power, a defense supplier to India, and a champion of non-Western diplomatic initiatives that tend to encourage more stable China–India relations. The war will also produce “systemic” effects, including altered global expectations about the prospects for major-power conflict and a resurgence of US-led treaty alliances. In combination, these war-driven outcomes are likely to accelerate the deterioration of China–India relations that was already underway before February 2022.
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| 4 |
ID:
133447
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past couple of years we have seen a decline in the influence of United States as a global superpower, particularly in Europe and East Asia. The military exuberance of the US after the collapse of Soviet Union led to a heightened global paranoia against a perceived US imperialism. Thus began a race among several emerging nations to fill the gap of a balancing superpower. Russia fell behind due to its economic problems, as the capitalist 'shock therapy' didn't work as well as American analysts predicted. The European Union also seems to be going nowhere after a series of reorganisations and also lack of unified military. This has brought the focus on two emerging Asian countries - India and China.
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| 5 |
ID:
192096
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent China-India relations have been marked by a puzzling mix of cooperation and rivalry across military, economic, institutional and normative dimensions. Yet despite a large empirical literature on this crucial relationship, existing scholarship has struggled to explain its countervailing trends. This is due in large part to a lack of rigorous theory, which is essential for explanation. This article illustrates the theoretical shortcomings of current scholarship on China-India relations, drawing on the methodological literature on causal inference. It then shows how the four articles that follow in the special issue serve as a much-needed corrective to this problem by developing and applying well-specified theories to explain variation in China-India cooperation and rivalry, and presents a synthesis of their causal claims.
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