|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
134309
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In representative governments, a healthy turnover of power among ruling parties is viewed as a critical sign of democratic principles. In a political environment where voters’ opinion is the key political driver, the greatest challenge facing the NGO community is often that environmental concerns only represent secondary aspects of the policy-making process. This article focuses on the transformations (or lack thereof) in Taiwan’s environmental governance, under different political parties, particularly during the past few years. I begin with an overview of the key issues that have characterised Taiwan’s environmental movement and its battles, starting with the democratic transition of the mid-1980s, before focusing on two developmental projects – Taiwan’s eighth petrochemical plant and fourth nuclear power facility – to bring to light the most significant changes and continuities in the environmental-policy realm. I pay special attention to the post-2008 period and the ensuing renaissance experienced by the environmental movement, among others. The final section considers the consequences of the KMT’s second elect-oral victory – in January 2012 – for environmental policies and, in light of the article’s findings, summarises what has changed and what has consistently remained the same under different ruling parties.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
089887
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The rapid expansion of the Indonesian pulp industry has caused considerable environmental problems. Some argue that the state and the industry have addressed this issue rather successfully through technological amendments and effective civic involvement without hindering economic growth, which could be described as a path towards ecological modernization. However, the problems caused by Indorayon, Indonesia's first pulp and rayon company, show that this path can neglect the social aspects of sustainable development, without fully respecting the political rights of the local people, even after the end of authoritarian rule. In both the Suharto and post-Suharto periods, the state and Indorayon successfully prevented the civil society movement from making effective claims relating to their environmental concerns through oppression and a 'scientific' discourse emphasizing the economic and environmental aspects of the factory operations. Recognizing that such efforts have resulted in long-lasting social conflicts, this article illustrates the limit of the impact of democratization on environmental policy making in Indonesia, and the difficulties in using ecological modernization as a policy guideline for a sustainable society in the global South.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
072716
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2006.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years scholars have grown increasingly interested in the potential for a contentious environmental movement in China. This article explores the beliefs of university students in Beijing and finds that there is little likelihood of environmentalism among students transforming into an independent grassroots movement or becoming a source of pressure for political change.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
100655
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
086240
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the development of Russia's civil society has been the focus of academic study since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. In light of this literature, this article aims to assess the impact of the movement that has most often been seen as very promising for Russia's future civil society development-the environmental movement-by utilising research undertaken in Samara Oblast' of the Russian Federation. While the results do reveal some positive contributions to civil society development in Russia, they also exhibit many similarities with other studies in the extant literature, illustrating the relative weakness of Russia's social movements in the area of civil society development.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
134416
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Lee, Kingsyhon
China has witnessed several peaceful and successful anti-PX (para-xylene) protests in Xiamen, Dalian, and Ningbo in recent years. However, the protest in Maoming in 2014 turned out to be a noteworthy exception. By using participant observation and in-depth interview data, this article raises the following observations: first, in spite of official propaganda, Maoming citizens actually understand the environmental risk of PX production because of their personal experiences with existing pollution as well as from their knowledge of the Xiamen incident. Secondly, the Maoming protest proceeded in a less organised manner, which explains its violent tendencies. Finally, the large-scale protest was able to proceed without the support of mainstream media and the middle class due to the use of online social media and local knowledge of the urban terrain.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
134414
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the growth and transformation of the movement against the expansion of science parks and electronics hazards in Taiwan. The author finds that the movement has brought about a strong overall trend against the industry’s expansion and has gradually raised significant concern for environmental justice in the past decade. Concern for environmental and social justice has been interwoven to frame the movement’s discourse and actions in the following three aspects: first, campaigning for procedural justice, democratic decision-making, and information transparency; second, campaigning for distributive justice of land, water, and environmental risk; and third, campaigning for the right of recognition.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
134413
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Protests against naphtha crackers have been an important trend in Taiwan’s environmentalism since their emergence in the mid-1980s. This article analyses ten protest cases (1987-2011) to understand the evolution of environmental politics. I draw the following conclusions: (1) with the growing public awareness of pollution, new petrochemical projects are increasingly facing popular opposition; (2) the environmental movement assumes less partisanship, although ideological differences between the political parties still remains; (3) the mobilising capacity of NGOs is on the rise and has become the key factor in the success of protests.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
087757
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Social movements constitute a political link between the power of existing polity and the ability of citizens to influence political outcomes. As a result, social movements can represent a potential rival to the acting political system, acquiring power and facilitating change through actions that create threats to existing political structures. In Taiwan, social movements were born from oppression and neglect by the ruling political class of social concerns. Environmental protests were effective in halting further deterioration of the island's environment. How have democracy and its ensuing freedoms for citizens and movements alike altered movement structure and their issues in the socio-political environment? This research traces the development and transformation of the environmental movement in Taiwan within this changing political structure and examines how mobilized protest has been increasingly muted as an effective movement strategy, and how environmental justice has been slow to materialize.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
047117
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New York, Texere, 2001.
|
| Description |
x, 431p.
|
| Standard Number |
158799092X
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044372 | 333.7/STR 044372 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|