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| 1 |
ID:
071315
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Debate about the goals of American foreign policy at the end of the twentieth century, especially that thread differentiating "conservative" from "neoconservative" perspectives, might profit by revisiting the debate over American expansion at the end of the nineteenth century. "I am an imperialist," Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan once remarked, "simply because I am not isolationist." This paper explores the connection between Mahan's defense of imperialism-often couched in terms of national interest and balance of power- and the norms of American power in world politics. The will-to-power behind American expansion and involvement, a formidable pillar in Mahan's realism, coexisted (often uneasily) with the affirmation of national purpose, a less formidable but still important part of Mahan's idealism. Mahan's strong conservative inclinations in politics were matched by a willingness to employ the tools of realism-particularly traditional diplomatic methods-as a way to uphold historic national goals and moral vision in American foreign policy. Far from seeing an irremediable conflict between the counsels of realism and limited moral gains in foreign policy, Mahan understood that governments are not immune from certain overall constraints. Seldom if ever could American actions abroad be defended by arguing solely for the maintenance or increase of national power.
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| 2 |
ID:
174920
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| 3 |
ID:
105863
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers the development of the Tea Party movement, the character of its thinking and the nature of the interests and constituencies to which it is tied. The article suggests that despite the importance of ideas and interests, and the process of interaction between them, the movement has also been shaped and energised by institutional arrangements. In particular, it argues that there are significant numbers of independent or 'detached' conservatives and that the institutional architecture draws them towards political engagement but at the same time imposes constraints. The political friction that this creates has contributed to the anger that has characterised the movement. While the Tea Party movement may, as such, have only an ephemeral existence, independent conservatives are likely to remain a significant and potent constituency and will, within the institutional structures that define the American political process, give rise to other movements and protests.
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| 4 |
ID:
103542
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conservative talk of a 'big society' is one more mutation of the unstable family of pluralism. It is a large family, with both benign and progressive left wing members and rogue right wing black sheep. The progressive contribution has been substantial, but pluralism is not a homogeneous ideology or set of policies, and the single word conceals stresses and irreconcilable oppositions in theory and practice. An examination of this variety gives clues to the latest contributions, and to some of the more regressive uses to which pluralism can be put. The left needs both to insist on its own major contribution to progressive pluralism, and to beware of wolves in pluralist clothing.
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| 5 |
ID:
067170
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| 6 |
ID:
099782
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A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a 'family man'. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on social liberalism. The potential conflict between these two objectives reflects the division in the party between social liberals and traditionalists, which has become increasingly apparent over the past decade. This article examines Conservative party policy and rhetoric on social and moral issues since 1997, particularly gay rights and family policy. It notes that a significant divide remains in the Conservative party between social liberals and traditionalists, so in this respect Cameron's modernisation project remains far from complete
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| 7 |
ID:
192480
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article postulates that the ideological factor is regaining significance
in today’s multipolar world (summit of democracies, discourse on traditional
values) and promotes the importance of an ideological and value dialogue
between right-wing conservative forces in Russia (as major proponents of
conservatism) and right-wing forces in Europe.
The aim of the study is to substantiate the adherence of Russia’s domestic
and foreign policies to the conservative value agenda, and to analyze the
right-wing political spectrum of contemporary Europe.
The authors conclude that the values shared by the representatives of
European right-wing movements are close to Russia’s value agenda, which
proves the feasibility of establishing diverse strategic interaction with the
proponents of such ideological views in Europe.
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| 8 |
ID:
101319
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Brian J. Glenn explores how conservatism has impacted the growth of the American state since the New Deal and also how the growth of the American state has influenced conservatism. He finds that in many instances, conservatives have moved beyond mere obstructionism and that a new form of modern conservatism has conceded the goals of liberalism.
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| 9 |
ID:
181644
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To consolidate a predominant party system, an incumbent party will attempt to anchor voting behavior to social cleavages, a strategy called cleavage enclosure. However, does this strategy actually work? In Turkey, the incumbent AKP government has focused its campaigning on conservatives and nationalists. The analysis of the 2018 post-election survey reveals that the cleavage enclosure worked for conservatives but not for nationalists. Of the incumbent supporters in the previous election, conservatives replicated their support, whereas nationalists were less likely to support the incumbent than other identity holders. Nationalists tend to punish but not reward the incumbent party for its economic performance.
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| 10 |
ID:
086815
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After their dismal performance in election 2008, conservatives are taking stock. As they examine the causes that have driven them into the political wilderness and as they explore paths out, they shold aslo take heart. After all, election 2008 shows that our constitutional order is working as designed.
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| 11 |
ID:
067701
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| Publication |
DelhI, Aakar Books, 2006.
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| Description |
x, 175p.
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| Standard Number |
818787967x
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050624 | 320.52/SCH 050624 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
040274
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1970.
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| Description |
xiii, 278p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004407 | 954.162/BAR 004407 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
080367
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorism is a pivotal matter in Turkish politics. In this article, a specific terrorist activity, which is still having an impact upon Turkish politics, has been analyzed. It scrutinizes two perspectives of the event. Some actors lean towards a secular/positivist reading of events while others favour a conservative/postmodern reading. This serious factional political debate is possibly just the result that the terrorists had in mind. Being imbued by republican principles, the seculars' claims compel the conservatives to raise defensive points since they are blamed for murdering secular figures and targeting the very essence of the republic. Using different symbolic readings, both sides arrive at opposing conclusions: for the seculars the aim/message of the terror is clear - it is the republic; for the conservatives the aim/message is hidden - destabilizing the country
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| 14 |
ID:
152678
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| Summary/Abstract |
IT SEEMS that the West is gradually turning to conservatism. At least this is how Donald Trump's victory at the 2016 presidential elections can be interpreted together with Brexit and the much stronger positions of the right-wing parties in Europe. The left liberal forces that fell into the trap of their own ideology and propaganda proved unable to adequately assess the developments in their own countries and elsewhere in the world.
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| 15 |
ID:
148446
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What happened to Recep Tayyip Erdogan? The Turkish president came to power in 2003 promising economic and political liberalization. But under his rule, Turkey has instead moved in a profoundly illiberal, authoritarian direction—although not toward repressive Islamism, which some feared was Erdogan’s true agenda, given his background in Islamist politics. Rather, Erdogan has become something more akin to a traditional Middle Eastern strongman: consolidating personal power, purging rivals, and suppressing dissent.
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| 16 |
ID:
084478
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
British Conservatism embodies certain basic, though not always compatible, tenets of belief. They have underpinned the Conservative Party, which has been the most successful political party in the history of western Europe. The party was the 'in' party in British politics in the 20th Century; the reasons for that success shifted in the 21st century to it principal opponent party. Attempts by Conservative leaders in the first two parliaments of opposition constituted quick-fix and ultimately doomed approaches to restoring electoral dominance. The party under David Cameron has shifted to a long-term, grounded approach, learning the lessons of earlier periods of opposition. Though the process remains incomplete, the Conservative Party is placed for the first time in the 21st century to return to being a party of governance.
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| 17 |
ID:
111677
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Can conservatives be feminists? This article examines the issue by exploring the case of the British Conservative Party, drawing on a new survey of party members. Under David Cameron's leadership, reforms have been made to the party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policies developed, thus addressing both the descriptive and substantive representation of women. We examine party members' attitudes towards three types of gender issue: basic orientations towards gender roles and relations; specific policy measures relevant to the substantive representation of women; and the descriptive representation of women. Detailed empirical analysis reveals that there is significant support for progressive liberal feminist positions on each of these dimensions in the party, and that sex, age and basic ideological dispositions drive such attitudes to varying degrees. Even so, support for a liberal feminist position on the descriptive representation of women - that is, the aspect of gender politics where the leadership has been most active - remains on the whole quite limited.
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| 18 |
ID:
123084
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
GARY C. JACOBSON analyzes the 2012 presidential and congressional elections. He finds that Barack Obama won despite the weak economy because Democrat partisans outnumbered Republican in the highly polarized electorate and remained unusually loyal to their candidate. The relationship between presidential and House and Senate voting patterns was extraordinarily strong, making it the most partisan, nationalized, and president-centered election in at least 60 years.
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| 19 |
ID:
000582
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| Publication |
Oxford, Clarendon Pr., 1996.
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| Description |
xx,592p.
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| Standard Number |
0-19-827532-3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 041964 | 320.5/FRE 041964 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
142191
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Bloomsbury Publishing India, 2016.
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| Description |
202p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789385436970
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058397 | 320.01/MOS 058397 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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