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| 1 |
ID:
047344
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| Publication |
Ramat Gan, BESA Center for Strategic Studies, 2001.
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| Description |
92p.
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| Contents |
Reprinted with permission from Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044801 | 355.03109561/BEN 044801 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
053964
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| Publication |
Ramat Gan, BESA Center for Strategic Studies, 2001.
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| Description |
92p.
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| Series |
Mideast security and policy studies; no.48
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| Contents |
Reprinted with permission form Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 37, No.2
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045155 | 355.03109561/BEN 045155 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
161469
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to analyse the rise of Kurdistan in Iraq within the context of a panoramic picture of Iraq’s history by contrasting two schools of thought regarding this country’s failed system. One school of thought puts the blame on incompetent Iraqi rulers but mainly on the British colonialists who with their misdeeds, mismanagement and selfish interests brought Iraq to its present situation of a failed state. The other school of thought argues that Iraq’s problems are structural, resulting from the fact that Iraq was an artificial creation; that Iraqi nationalism never struck roots in Iraqi soil; and that primordial loyalties have never disappeared so that in times of crisis they came to the fore. Indeed, there may be a middle ground between the two schools, suggesting that the combination of the unique nature of Iraq and the mismanagement by outside forces joined together to bring about the fatal outcome. My argument is that from the very inception of the Iraqi state there were two competing national movements, Iraqi and Kurdish, that could not coexist except by the central government’s use of force. Once the latter weakened, the Kurdish national project could flourish and vice versa.
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| 4 |
ID:
143109
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This article argues that Kurdish society historically enabled the rise of charismatic women. More recently, upheavals brought by the so-called Arab Spring have acted as a catalyst for Kurdish women to improve their social standing. Along with gains made by Kurds in creating new autonomous spaces, the advancement of Kurdish women constitutes a “double revolution” that shows the feminist and nationalist agendas can be complementary, and not in conflict as they have for the greater part of modern history.
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| 5 |
ID:
181222
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This article examines the triangular relationship between Jews, Israel and Kurds with a view to unravelling the myths that revolved around them. It argues that the millenarian relationship between Kurdistan’s Jews and their non-Jewish neighbours notwithstanding, the myriad of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ myths surrounding present-day Jewish-Israeli-Kurdish relations have flourished against the backdrop of a dearth of documented history of both Jewish and non-Jewish communities of pre-modern Kurdistan; the asymmetry of relations between a state actor – Israel, and a non-state ethno-national group – the Kurds; and the fact that both groups represent minorities within the larger Muslim milieu whose neighbours have delegitimized their right to national self-determination.
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| 6 |
ID:
108638
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For many years the world used to hear about the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK) terrorist actions in Turkey. Recently, however, a new factor entered the scene with great force-a popular uprising which resembles in some ways the Palestinian intifada and the other uprisings which have taken place since the end of 2010 in Arab countries. In the Kurdish lexicon it is called serhildan. The fusion between well-organized guerrilla activities and an open national movement has brought the Kurdish problem in Turkey into its most crucial phase ever. This essay will analyze the immediate and deeper causes for the Kurdish problem in Turkey and assess its impact on the stability and security of Turkey itself and on Ankara's foreign relations as a whole. The essay's main argument is that only a peaceful solution is likely to pull the rug from under the PKK's feet, thus enabling Turkey to cut the Gordian knot that ties this problem with its foreign relations and prevent Ankara's outside partners from using the issue as a weapon against Turkish interests.
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| 7 |
ID:
001889
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Boulder, Lynne Rienner, 1999.
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| Description |
xx,224p.
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| Standard Number |
1555876471
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042777 | 305.56/BEN 042777 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
175431
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a qualitative and comparative study of elementary school textbooks in the Kurdish autonomous enclave of Rojava in Syria and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Historical circumstances and political forces account for both superficial and ideological differences between the two sets of textbooks. Nonethless, despite the Rojava leadership's ostensible opposition to nationalism and the KRI's commitments to respect the states of the region, both illustrate attempts by the ruling party in each region to promote a distinct Kurdish nationalism with a view toward nurturing pan-Kurdish identity.
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| 9 |
ID:
053310
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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| Description |
xi, 236p.
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| Standard Number |
1403965897
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 048438 | 327.56105694/BEN 048438 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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