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| 1 |
ID:
104843
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008.
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| Description |
xxvii,281p.
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| Standard Number |
9780195474220, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056115 | 954.031/MAL 056115 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
133202
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To ensure our success as nation, we need to turn our attention to the country soul since the vast subcontinent was divided, and than some 20 odd years later sub-divided once again, Pakistanis have plenty to ponder.
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| 3 |
ID:
107203
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scottish politics isn't about some remote northern politics but go to the heart of the nature, character and power dimensions of the UK and British state. Scotland has been dramatically changed by the scale of the SNP landslide victory in the 2011 Scottish Parliament elections. Scottish society, identity and culture along with the politics of unionism and nationalism have all changed and will change further. The old fashioned politics of devolution are dead, but what comes next and what are the consequences for Scottish independence? What has to be challenged are old-fashioned out-of-date views of the SNP, and the unreconstructed nationalism of the British state.
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| 4 |
ID:
098021
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| 5 |
ID:
164043
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the way in which B.R. Ambedkar attempted to internationalise the problem of untouchability in the years prior to Partition. The move towards the international was an attempt to secure a political space for Dalits as a consequence of the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan. Unable to reach an agreement with the likes of Gandhi and Jinnah, Ambedkar looked beyond India for support. His plight gained the attention of disparate people, including Winston Churchill, Jan Smuts and the members of the Indian Conciliation Group. By exploring these events, this article seeks to rescale the history of untouchability and Partition.
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| 6 |
ID:
152950
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| Publication |
London, I B Tauris, 2016.
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| Description |
xvi, 317p.: tables, figures, mapshbk
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| Standard Number |
9781780767413
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059060 | 954.92/RIA 059060 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
180307
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This article provides an overview of the developments in the politics of Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan 50 years ago in 1971. It focuses particularly on the struggle for independence led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, seen as the founder of the nation, the development of parties, extremism, the coups and counter-coups suffered by the country and the long-term impact these have had on the democratic process and civil society, and also the country's prospects for the future.
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| 8 |
ID:
075668
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses why and how the princely order, once considered the bulwark of British rule, came tumbling down so rapidly within a few months in 1947, following the intervention of Lord Mountbatten, a royal cousin, who the princes thought would support them in preserving their rule and privileges. How far were the princes themselves to blame and what role did Mountbatten play? Through a careful re-examination of available sources this article argues that the princes, though unable to act together, trusted the British Crown to protect their rights and interests as promised, but were mistaken in believing that Mountbatten would uphold Britain's treaty obligations regarding the princely states.
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| 9 |
ID:
140918
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What happens to the foreign policies of states when they acquire nuclear weapons? Despite its importance, this question has not been answered satisfactorily. Nuclear weapons can facilitate six conceptually distinct foreign policy behaviors: aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. This typology of foreign policy behaviors enables scholars to move beyond simple claims of “nuclear emboldenment,” and allows for more nuanced examination of the ways in which nuclear weapons affect the foreign policies of current and future nuclear states. The typology also sheds light on Great Britain's response to nuclear acquisition. Britain used nuclear weapons to engage in greater levels of steadfastness in responding to challenges, bolstering junior allies, and demonstrating independence from the United States, but it did not engage in greater levels of aggression, expansion, or compromise. The typology and the British case demonstrate the value of distinguishing among different effects of nuclear weapons acquisition, have implications for scholars' and policymakers' understanding of the role of nuclear weapons in international politics, and suggest avenues for future research.
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| 10 |
ID:
087293
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2009.
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In Taiwan's 2008 presidential election, both candidates advocated signing a peace agreement with China, and Chinese leaders have also expressed interest in reaching such an agreement. Although substantial obstacles remain in the way of a cross-strait peace agreement, this increased interest on both sides of the Taiwan Strait suggests that a closer examination of an agreement's possible dimensions and consequences is warranted. This analysis considers what an agreement might look like, whether and how it might be effective in reducing the possibility of cross-strait military conflict, the relevant barriers to an agreement, and whether an agreement-if reached-would be likely to endure.
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| 11 |
ID:
026228
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Burma
/ Donnison, F S V
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1970
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| Publication |
London, Ernest Benn Ltd., 1970.
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| Description |
263p.hbk
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| Series |
Nations of the Modern World
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004742 | 959.1/DON 004742 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
032648
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| Publication |
London, Pall Mall Press, 1966.
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| Description |
xiii, 455p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000540 | 959.104/TRA 000540 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
084256
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The pomp and partying of Ghana's Independence Day in March 1957 obscured some messy politics. The triumphalist story, widely accepted outside Ghana, of a heroic Nkrumah and the Convention Peoples' Party eclipsed alternative stories from the North, the rural areas and those who opposed Nkrumah. This article also considers the ironies and iconography of Ghana's 50th anniversary celebrations.
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| 14 |
ID:
158178
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On October 1, the regional powers - the government and the Parliament of Catalonia - carried out a referendum on independence from Spain. The Spanish government (that had gone to all lengths to prevent it) declared its results null and void. Prime Minister of Spain Mariano Rajoy dismissed it as a "democratically deplorable spectacle.
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| 15 |
ID:
170868
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| 16 |
ID:
032549
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| Publication |
New York, Harper Torchbooks, 1973.
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| Description |
176p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 014948 | 983.03/KIN 014948 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
139461
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper unearths an alternative paradigm through which to consider the discussions and debates between members of the Indian public, government bureaucrats and Congress Party politicians about the rights and interests of Indian citizens both before and immediately after India's Independence in 1947. It argues that much of the recent historical work on citizenship during this period has been preoccupied with issues of nationality and religious community as a result of the fallout from Partition. However, the demands and deliberations over the introduction of provincial forms of affirmative action in the all-India services at this time are indicative of a different narrative. First, many provincial representations of ‘minority’ rights often took into account differences of caste and language instead. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the term minority was employed not only to describe demographic minority status, but also to define under-represented groups in the all-India services. In doing so, these different provincial policies prioritised particular local rights to representation, in which citizenship was expressed through a regional idiom.
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| 18 |
ID:
193262
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| Summary/Abstract |
The central thesis of this commentary focuses on the paradox of two wars occurring in parallel with Russian aggression in Ukraine. It is not just that—in addition to military action—there is a geopolitical tsunami and its consequences in the form of a possible food crisis, mass migration, or an already open energy war. The paradox relates to the fact that a potential Ukrainian victory could have adverse effects on the welfare of European countries as a consequence of the embargo on Russian hydrocarbons and the need to replace them (assuming there is no return to the ancien régime before the Russian aggression of February 24, 2022). The defeat of the Ukrainians, on the other hand, could lead to a so-called “new opening” and a gradual return to the import of Russian energy resources (which, although they will not obtain the pre-war volume, will provide energy stability for Europe in a period of diversifying contracts and developing investments in renewable energy sources).
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| 19 |
ID:
121152
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a world virtually free of slavery and colonialism and one mainly driven by the sovereign state rationale, allusion to manifestations or the existence of some form of these phenomena within a state is often received with dumbfounding indifference or denial. However, a form of rule that had continued in South Sudan long after the departure of the British in 1956 was colonial both in its quintessence and flair in that it disenfranchised its citizens and denied them the most basic freedoms, services and development. Under this establishment, resistance against the coercive vision of the state was brutally suppressed for many decades. This state of affairs finally ended in July 2011. Nonetheless, there is a miscellany of unresolved post-colonial issues between the two countries that warrant attention. These include security and the demarcation of borders, the issue of ludicrous transit fees for South Sudan's oil exportation through Sudan, citizenship, external debt repayment, etc. These issues are part of traps inherited from the anti-colonial struggle, which have now supplanted the old ensemble of North-South conflict paroxysm. As a matter of urgency, the two countries will have to wrap up the incomplete process of negotiation on these substantive issues. The talks should be approached with a new mindset based on the new reality of two sovereign states. To the extent that it is widely established that South Sudan and Sudan must coexist peacefully in order to develop into viable entities, such mutual dependency must be based on equality and respect.
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| 20 |
ID:
048672
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| Edition |
4th ed.
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| Publication |
Washington, Brassey's, 1997.
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| Description |
ix, 269p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
1574881124
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039281 | 972.91/SUC 039281 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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