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| 1 |
ID:
119052
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the role played by neo-conservative intellectuals during the tenure of Malaysia's fifth prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (2003-2009). Abdullah's leadership was distinguished by two qualities which arguably qualify it as "neo-conservative," in terms of revival of policies from a bygone era and the launching of political reforms within the framework of a conservative regime led by the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party. Using the theoretical experiences of dominant conservative regimes in the Soviet Union, Japan, China and Taiwan, the present authors are of the view that the policies and approach undertaken by Abdullah constitute a sharp departure from those of his predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, for twenty-two years (1981-2003). Particularly eliciting controversy was the trust Abdullah put into a team of young advisors led by his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin. In this article, we look at how these young neo-conservative intellectuals, together with several identifiable individuals, brought about reforms in Abdullah's leadership and
impacted UMNO politics.
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| 2 |
ID:
047363
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| Publication |
Singapore, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, 2003.
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| Description |
25p.
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| Contents |
IDSS Working Paper No. 45
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046652 | 297.27209595/LIO 046652 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
081857
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
2007 appeared to be a year of political and economic continuity in Malaysia. The government won three by-elections. The economy grew at 5.6%. Tensions over ethnic relations and Islamization simmered, though with probably no greater intensity than in past years. And foreign relations were smoothly conducted. But in an extraordinary scandal, a prominent political advisor went on trial for abetting the murder of his former mistress.
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| 4 |
ID:
086690
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The March 2008 general elections fundamentally altered Malaysian politics. The ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority in the national Parliament and five state assemblies, and Prime Minister Abdullah was forced to announce his resignation. The opposition also stands the chance of forming the national government in the near future.
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| 5 |
ID:
185203
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| Summary/Abstract |
Malaysia remained firmly in the grip of both the COVID-19 pandemic and economic turmoil in 2021. Ongoing political instability led to an emergency proclamation that suspended Parliament for the first time since 1969, followed by an unprecedented public rebuke of political leaders by the Malaysian king, and the third new government in as many years. This returned the long-dominant UMNO to power. An unexpected political ceasefire promised extensive reforms, but their implementation was uncertain.
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| 6 |
ID:
116633
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that calls for the reassertion of royal power in Malaysia pre-dated the historic twelfth general elections of 2008. The erosion of UMNO's hegemony accelerated the revival of the monarchy. Ironically, an institution strongly identified with the feudal order found itself reinvigorated in an age of new politics.
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| 7 |
ID:
086470
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Malaysia's planned leadership transition at the end of March from Ahmad Abdullah Badawi to Mohamed Najib Razak masks a fundamental reconfiguration of Malaysian politics. The United Malays National Organization is in long term decline, after losing support among Malays for at least a decade.
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| 8 |
ID:
173183
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| Summary/Abstract |
A powerful pro-Palestinian transnational advocacy network has emerged in Malaysia since the Gaza war of 2008–09. Taking the cooperation between the Palestinian Cultural Organization Malaysia, the Islamist Hamas, and the United Malays National Organisation as an example, I analyze the network and argue that the three actors are engaging there to promote the Palestinian struggle for an independent state but at the same time, each actor is using the network to pursue its own interests.
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| 9 |
ID:
134031
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Salafi ulama (religious scholars) in Malaysia have seen their religious and political influence amplified over the last five years. Operating within a newly formed organization, the Pertubuhan Ilmuwan Malaysia (ILMU) and the newly augmented United Malays National Organization's (UMNO) young ulama wing, Salafi scholars play a key role in providing Islamic legitimacy to the government and defending it against the opposition Islamist party, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). The decision by Salafi scholars to support the Malaysian government is striking given their hardline views on the implementation of Islamic laws and their opposition to democracy. This paper seeks to understand the reasons for the Salafi ulama's support for UMNO. It argues that the Salafi ulama's involvement in UMNO is due to a convergence of interest between the two groups and as part of a strategy by the Salafi ulama to expand their influence at both the state and societal levels. The paper examines the religious-political positions of the Salafi ulama on issues such as the Islamic state, the implementation of Islamic laws and democratic political system, and argues that they are opposed to the current state of religious affairs and the political structure of the Malaysian state. Nevertheless, the ulama are working within UMNO to change the political system. For UMNO leaders, the Salafi ulama form an important group that could defend the party against religious attacks from PAS and provide the party with greater religious credence.
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